plication of the necessary remedy. In this surgical arrangement, suggested by the calling of our subject, we would place him in the first class, as a Reformer equally removed from the two extremes of Conservatism and Destructivism.

Of the merits of Dr. Patterson as a thinker and writer, we trust that our readers will have ample opportunity to judge for themselves. He has been a frequent contributor to other journals for some years past, and, for the most part, anonymously. As fair specimens of his style, as well as of his sentiments, we would refer to an article on the "Progress of Society," in the Democratic Review for July, 1840; another

on

"The Laboring classes in the age of chivalry," in the Boston Quarterly for April, 1841, and an extended review of Shelley in the same journal for October, 1841. Numerous articles, such as these, scattered in various magazines and newspapers, together with several addresses on various topics and introductory lectures, constitute the bulk of his printed productions. To the discussion of the question of Capital Punishment, in which he took an early and somewhat conspicuous part, he has contributed largely in the journals of the day. These efforts were intended solely for immediate effect on the popular mind. Among them we may mention a series of essays in the Philadelphia “Nazarene,' afterwards deemed worthy of publication in pamphlet form, and a controversy in the columns of the Public Ledger, with a writer, evidently a clergyman, signing himself Aristides.

As a public speaker, Dr. Patterson makes no pretensions to oratorical effect. He is, however, remarkable for fluency, copiousness and flexibility of style. He is clear, concise and direct, without vehemence and without aptitude to passionate declamation. His manner is rather that of the lecturer than the orator; a quality probably due to his position as a teacher of medicine, and to which it is well adapted. His lectures in the Pennsylvania Medical College, to which he is attached, have the characteristics mentioned. As a debater, he is apt, self-possessed, goodtempered, quick in reply and not easily embarrassed. As a student, he has been industrious and devoted, reading much and retaining it. In addition to considerable proficiency in the classics, he has turned his attention to French, German and Italian literature, and is well versed in the productions of their leading writers.

Dr. Patterson is still young, being in his thirty-third year. He has before him, we hope, a long career of distinction and usefulness. The public and the medical profession have much to expect from him. Philadelphia, rich as she is in men of intellect and learning, has few of brighter promise than he.

GLIMPSES OF THE DAWN.

We have always resolved to eschew, in our editorial capacity, the party politics of the country. It is unfortunately true that the great questions of political principle and social polity may be freely discussed without coming within the limits of party operations and disputes.

When, however, we see in any part of the political horizon, the avowal of comprehensive principle and the waking up, however partial, to a recognition of any of the important topics of social science, we rejoice to record it as an inspiriting sign of the times. Such an event we have now to chronicle, and we believe it to be an evidence of the approach of a better day, when the parties of our country will once more be occupied in the discussion of weighty social and national subjects, and not in a blind warfare of the people for the elevation of ambitious individuals, or the poor, mercenary struggle for office and its emoluments. With the immense majority, the success of the party has become the end to be accomplished, and it has mattered little what sacrifice of principle or what violations of truth and justice were necessary to attain that success. We have therefore seen the pitiable spectacle of great parties-more than one electioneering upon one ground in the south and another in the north-opposing a National Bank in one section and advocating it in another clamoring for a high tariff here and denouncing it there. Sincere patriots have deplored this state of things, and yet acquiesced in it, probably considering it inevitable. Men of larger faith have hoped soon to see its end. They have perceived that it was false, unrighteous, and degrading, and they have believed that the Power which turns the hearts of men and guides to good results the destinies of nations, would not permit its continuance. Are we too sanguine in our conviction that their hopes already approach their fruition?

The nominations recently made for President by the two great parties of the country, and the wide-spread dissatisfaction with them both, have given a new complexion to political affairs. The war-cry of party has lost its charm, and men have ceased to respond to it. The interested may disguise or deny the fact as they choose, but it is evident that both nominations have failed to bring forth the loud and enthusiastic reply from the masses that was expected, and that formerly was heard in all quarters of the land. Both the great conventions have done their work and shouted to the extent of their lungs over their nominations, but the people have received them with cool indifference or with rebellious murmurings, and, to a considerable extent, with a flat refusal to receive the nominees. This has been particularly the case in the free states. It has been too evident that southern counsels and southern influences have ruled both these bodies, and that the nominations have been made in reference to the propitiation of the slave power. Hence resistance and denunciation on the part of the north, leading, as we believe, to the organization of a new party, based upon opposition to the extension of slavery, and which will draw its strength from both the old organizations.

The recent convention at Utica, of those who are known as the Barnburners, is a significant fact in the political history of our country. It marks the period for the downfall of the old democratic party, unless it comes up again to the advocacy of principle. We reverence that party as it once existed. It was the early champion of an enlarged popular freedom, and what our republic now is, we owe to it and its long continued ascendency. But it became enamored of office and power, and sacrificed principle to retain them. Truth requires us to say that it be

came, more than any other party, the protector, apologist, and promoter of domestic slavery. Under the lead of Jefferson it boldly prohibited the introduction of that accursed institution into the great North-western Territory, although it had been ceded to the general government by slave-holding Virginia. But it extended the same dark blight over the Louisiana purchase and Texas, and it now consents to its further spread over the newly-acquired Mexican domain. The leading men of the party, even in the north, are cowardly enough to stand quietly by, when there is danger of its being extended, by southern votes, even over the free soil of distant Oregon. Its doom is therefore sealed, unless it repents and amends. Its name has become dear to the hearts of the American people, so that every faction now claims to assume it, but its organization will become a curse to the nation or it will fall to pieces by the incongruity of its parts. The Barnburner secession shows us what the result will be. The ground taken by the Utica Convention upon the question of slavery, is a high and noble one, and one that will be maintained. That convention has erected the platform upon which the free democracy of the north must eventually take their stand. We have read its resolutions with delight and admiration. While avowing an unfaltering adherence to the generally recognised compromises of the constitution, they denounce slavery as an unmitigated evil and a burning shame, declare that its extension must be resisted by every legal means, and assert the power of the General Government to prevent its introduction into newly acquired territory, and to abolish it if there existing. This is, in substance, the famous Wilmot proviso. In addition to this, the resolutions assert the dignity of labor, and condemn, as one of the greatest evils of slavery, "the false degradation of labor, whereby, in slave countries, the free laborer is, in effect, excluded from all those branches of industry usually carried on by slaves." The letter of Martin Van Buren to the New York delegation in this Convention is an important and interesting document. It is a clear and concise history of the legislation of Congress upon this subject; proving, beyond dispute, that the power of that body to prevent the extension of slavery was formerly the established democratic doctrine. The high stand taken by the ex-President, in this letter, will do more for his memory than all the acts of his official life. Whether he will accept the nomination tendered him is doubtful; and it is evident, of course, that he cannot be elected if he does. Be this as it may, he and his associates have laid the corner-stone of what is one day destined to become the dominant party of the country, and the agent of great good to us and to the world. It already extends beyond New York. The democrats of New England cannot but unite with it. The Wilmot democrats of the northern portion of this State naturally belong to it. It meets with sympathy and approval in every state of the North and North-west. The position of Lewis Cass upon the slavery question is too ultra-southern to be acceptable to the freemen of the North. They perceive too well that now is the time for action, and that if Mr. Cass's view is sanctioned by his election, the slave preponderance will be irrevocably established before the termination of his administration. Hence the

reluctance of the members of his party in Ohio, Indiana, Wisconsin, and even his own State, to acquiesce in his nomination. We see in their meetings also another encouraging sign. Once free from the shackles of party compromise, the popular mind runs onward to the recognition of new truths, and glimpses of "free soil" and "land reform" are apparent everywhere. The Utica Convention passed a resolution in favor of the sale of the public lands "in small quantities, to actual settlers, at a price, to them, not exceeding the expenses of acquiring, surveying, and giving title to the same." Even at the Democratic meeting held in Pittsburgh, to ratify the nomination of Cass and Butler, and nominate county officers, resolutions in favor of the Wilmot proviso, and the abolition of capital punishment, were respectfully discussed, and finally laid on the table-not rejected-while a strong "ten-hour" resolution was passed, as a make-peace with the radicals.

So much for the Democratic side of the House. In the next place, what will the Whigs do? The nomination of Zachary Taylor was, if any thing, a more decided triumph of the slave power than that of Lewis Cass. The precise mind of General Taylor on the subject is not before us, simply because his opinions on all subjects are unknown. The very men who procured his nomination are unacquainted with his political sentiments do not even know whether he has any. They know him, however, to be a southerner by birth, education and feeling; a planter, and an extensive slaveholder and dealer. They know that all his private interests are bound up in the maintenance and extension of the "peculiar institution." This consideration-it is useless to attempt to disguise it-obtained his triumphant nomination. By that act the Whig party, as such, ceased to exist. It relinquished at once all that it had ever contended for, and offered itself up as a sacrifice to the slavery interest. That the Southern Whigs should do this, was natural enough; but to those Northern men who aided them, it will be a bitter reproach to their dying day. It shows how far the lust of office will lead men astray. But the nomination is made, and it remains to be seen whether the free Whigs of the North will equal in spirit and courage their Democratic brethren. We believe that they will; there are indications of it abundant enough. At the Utica Convention, there came forward one of those whom the newspapers style "consciencewhigs," as if the rest of the party were devoid of that encumbrance to politicians. He doubtless expressed the feeling of a large portion of his party associates, when he avowed a fixed determination to unite in any movement that will defeat the extension of slavery. That movement is certainly being made. It will probably consist in the union of the dissatisfied portion of both parties for the formation of a new "free territory" democratic party; one which, abandoning the old distinctions, will lead on our country to a larger and more equitable freedom than it has as yet enjoyed, and wipe out that stain of slavery which makes our loud assertion of man's inalienable rights a by-word and a mockery among the nations. The night of dereliction to principle has been long and gloomy enough. Thank God, that we at last begin to see some glimpses of the dawn!

LANCI'S LETTER TO PRISSE.

Lettre sur l'interprétation des Hieroglyphes Egyptiens, adressée à M. Prisse d'Avennes. Par MICHELANGE LANCI. Paris: LARUE,1847. 8vo. pp. 192, with 4 plates.

In an article in the first number of the Nineteenth Century, calling the attention of its readers to the Kabbala of Professor Franck, allusion was made to the author of the present letter, and the belief expressed that his forthcoming work would open a new era in Biblical science. That work has not yet appeared, but in this brochure we have a statement of many of the results of the author's investigations, in an easy and comparatively intelligible French style. They are certainly startling and unexpected, but supported, as they are, by an extraordinary erudition, they cannot but command a patient and impartial hearing. Of the learning of Lanci there can be but one opinion. A recent letter-writer in a religious paper of New York mentions that Mr. Walsh pointed out to him, at a party at his house, a quiet and unobtrusive person, whom he pronounced "the most learned man in the world." He adds that "it was the Abbé formerly librarian at the Vatican." This person was no other than Michelangelo Lanci, a name which is not, and never will be popular, but one fully deserving of the enthusiastic eulogium of Mr. Walsh. Occupied among the treasures of the Vatican, he improved his time by the acquisition of an unusually full and extensive knowledge of oriental languages and antiquities. His unparalleled philological skill is that which gives him his position in the learned world. His first work, as far as we are aware, was on "the Phenico-Egyptian bas-relief of Carpentras" in 1825. This was followed by a letter on "a PhenicoEgyptian scarabæus and other Egyptian monuments" in 1826. 1827, he published at Rome, in the Italian language, his great work, the Sagra Scrittura Illustrata. This was condemned by Papal authority, and suppressed; so that copies of it are extremely rare. next great work was the Paralipomeni alla Illustrazione della Sagra Scrittura, published at Paris in 1845. The series remains to be completed by his Vie Simboliche della Bibbia which will sooner or later appear as his crowning effort, and containing the sum of all his labors. It will contain a full exposition of the Kabbalistic sense of many extremely obscure portions of the sacred volume, which, if established, will change entirely the translation and exegesis of passages considered of vital importance. In the meanwhile, we have this little work as an exposition of his present position, and an earnest of what is to come.

In

His

The immediate object of the letter is to give the views of the author upon what he considers errors of the Egyptian archeologists in regard to certain hieroglyphs, names, and persons of the Egyptian mythology. It is, therefore, written in short sections, apparently but slightly connected; yet his main design is apparent upon closer inspection. It would be difficult, even if it were desirable, to give a statement of all the subjects here treated. Suffice it to say, that by a resort to Semitic roots he throws new light upon many embarrassing points in hieroglyphical inVOL. II.-23