tion. If, then, Letronne is correct, these portions must come down to a later date. He makes a very plausible statement of the occult meaning concealed in the shape of the Hebrew letters. If that alphabet is modern, we can no longer regard it as the gradual change from hieroglyphics to arbitrary phonetic signs, but may consider it a most ingeniously devised system of Kabbalistic writing. These are the problems that are to be solved, and the learned world has before it, in them, a most onerous, but most important task. It is unfortunate that our divines, who ought to be most interested in these studies, appear to be those, of all scholars, who know and care the least about them.

Not the least important paragraph of the letter is that in which Lanci promises to give, in another letter to G. R. Gliddon, Esq.-so well known in our country as a learned and eloquent lecturer on Egyptian subjects an exposition of the hidden meaning of the celebrated Turin papyrus. This document, which has long been in the Turin Museum, has been regarded by Egyptologists, Champollion among the number, as a mere obscenity; and even Dr. Lepsius has considered it a series of caricatures and burlesque fantasies. Lanci, however, starting with the simple observation, that it is divided into twelve compartments, has succeeded in proving that it is, in fact, a Zodiac, throwing great light upon ancient astronomical and mythological views, and giving, among other curious conclusions, a clue to the history of the scriptural Baals. In the letter to Mr. Gliddon, the whole matter will be thoroughly explained, and a more correct copy given than any hitherto published. This work will probably appear speedily. As to the great Vie Simboliche, it may perhaps never see the light during the lifetime of its author-now old-but be left as a legacy to his friend and munificent patron, the Duc de Luynes.

THE INDUSTRIAL CONGRESS.

THIS body, composed of representatives from the various Associations of Labor, scattered over the Union, assembled in the city of Philadelphia, on the 7th of June. Its object is in some measure explained by its name. The freedom of the public domain-the sanctity of every man's homestead against the written or unwritten tricks and exactions of law-the organization of capital and labor in the just relationsquestions like these were discussed by various members, with an earnestness and power, which the National (not Industrial) Congress at Washington might imitate with great credit to itself, and something like benefit to the country.

There were

Among the members, were men of the very first ability. none in the Congress, to say the whole truth, who did not bring talent and energy for the great object which called the body together. Some excellent speeches were made. Theophilus Fisk, a representative from Baltimore, addressed the congress with great power, on the evils of party spirit; he showed conclusively, that no reform could be advanced, in this country, until the present state of political affairs-mere party for

the sake of party-was swept away. Dr. Elder was exceedingly eloquent in an explanation of the Associative doctrine, as developed by Fourier. H. H. Van Amringe, a man who has sacrificed much in the cause, and held on his steady way, through evil and through good report, embodied the principles of the Land Reformers, in a speech characterized no less by its eloquence of style, than by its iron-handed and irrefragable logic. We were much pleased with the good spirit which prevailed among the co-workers in this cause. It seemed to us, that among the "good men and true," who were assembled, none displayed a loftier purpose, and at the same time a kindlier, holier spirit than Ingalls of the "Land Mark." He spoke but rarely, but was always regarded by the congress, as a man of ideas rather than words, of sincere convictions and sterling deeds, rather than mere professions. It would afford us much pleasure, to notice in detail the proceedings of the congress, and to cast a passing glance at every member, but we are forced to be brief.

The principles of the congress were embodied in various resolutions, offered by Ira B. Davis, A. H. Rosenheim, F. C. Treadwell, G. W. Duncan, and other active and zealous members. A resolution was offered by Mr. Van Amringe, in relation to Whitney's railroad scheme, which asks of Congress, and of the American people, a donation of a territory sixty miles in width, and some four thousand miles in length. The resolution, placing the scheme in its proper light, and appointing a committee to draft a remonstrance to the National (not Industrial) Congress, against the enormous attempt at monopoly, was unanimously adopted.

John Greig of Rochester, well known as one of the boldest and, at the same time, one of the most clear-headed reformers, embodied the rights and the wrongs of the working women of the large cities, in a series of resolutions, which were adopted with unanimous assent. The Committee on Business reported the following preamble and resolutions:

PROSPECTIVE MEASURES.

That the Industrial Congress recommend to the consideration of the friends of equal rights and just government the following measures, to FOLLOW the Freedom of the Soil, and the systems of Homesteads for every family.

1. Prohibition of Government Debts.

2. Repeal of laws for the collection of Debt.

3. Direct Taxation.

4. Freedom of Trade.

5. Disbandment of the Standing Army and Navy.

6. The various plans of co-operation and Association for the organization of Labor.

7. The best system of Township Education, the expense to be paid by a tax, to be raised in the Township, and not to go out of it.

The Congress made a nomination of GERRIT SMITH, of New York for President, and WM. S. WAIT, of Illinois for Vice-President of the United States. Without wishing in any degree to detract from the merit of these citizens, we must candidly state, that in our opinion, the nomination is calculated rather to retard than to advance the great objects of

reform. It is indeed lamentable, that in the present state of our government and of politics, that too many reforms run to seed, in the barren field of President-making. Why should one man, the President of the United States, be the alpha and omega of all our efforts? Why should the destiny of millions depend upon this one man, whoever he may be? There is something wrong here. The wrong is not in the sincere nomination of this Congress, tendered to the worthy Gerrit Smith, nor in the nomination of any other man, by any body of men, but it is in the fatal preponderancy of the presidential office in our national affairs. The President was never intended to be the Government. He was never intended to be a Leader of public opinion. He is, by the Constitution, merely one man-the first servant of the Republic-the executor of its will-nothing more. What he is in fact, what he must be, so long as he is invested with more than regal patronage, is another question. The nomination by the Industrial Congress, qualified as it was, may be misunderstood by the mass of the people, regarded as a mere partisan affair, and therefore prevent many good men from moving with the reformers in their great task.

We hope to see the day, when the question among the people will not be, who shall we make President? but what measure of physical and intellectual advancement shall we embody in our primary assemblies, and force upon our state and national legislatures?

Let the farce of the electoral system be swept away-let the people vote directly for president, without the flimsy false pretence of an electoral ticket-let the President be stripped of his enormous patronagelet the power now invested in his office, be given back to the peopleand we shall hear less of this quadrennial intoxication, when the whole people seem to agree to go mad for six months, in order to make one man their destiny for the next four years. We never hear of the demoralization of the presidential campaign, but we are reminded of a line in Charles Lamb's description of the return of Charles the Second“ Now universal England getteth drunk

Wherefore? Because King Charles the profligate has come back to take his father's throne, and drag the body of Cromwell from the grave. To modify the quotation

Wherefore? Because it is about to elect a monarch for the next four years. Therefore, "Universal Freedom getteth drunk," from Maine to the Gulf of Mexico, from Cape May to the Pacific.

These remarks do not of course apply to the nomination of the Industrial Congress, but to the whole system of President-making, as practised by the two great parties. We only object to the nomination of the reformers, because it seems to turn their organization into a party, because it seems to degrade their loftiest objects into President-making. The Congress adjourned on Friday, the 10th of June. It meets next year in Cincinnati. Before the adjournment, George Lippard, who had been elected an honorary member, was requested by the President to deliver the valedictory of the Congress. We append the remarks of Mr. Lippard:

VOL. II.-24

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VALEDICTORY OF THE INDUSTRIAL CONGRESS.

My friends-shall I say it? My Brothers! It is no mournful duty that you have assigned to me. You have asked me to speak the Farewell word of this Congress. I cannot speak a sad Farewell-it is not in me, to bid you separate in sorrow, and go forth into the great world with sadness in your hearts. It is not for me to speak the Farewell which trembles from livid lips, and bids strong hearts separate without a hope, never to meet again, save in despair. No, no!

It is the Farewell of Hope which I speak to you now, for I feel strong in the Righteousness of your cause-of our cause. I feel that it is indeed the cause of God and of Man, the cause for which our Saviour suffered, and for which the martyrs of the ages spent their blood.

To every Man a home, to every Laborer a just share in the fruits of his labor, to every Son of the Poor a foothold on the earth of God! It is for this you work, my brothers, and with this you look for the coming of the day when a redeemed earth shall be consecrated by the Brotherhood of Man.

I came among you a stranger. I entered this hall, in which you, my friends, the Representatives of the Labor of this wide land, talked with one another, not of creeds, or theologies, nor yet of barren politics, but of the Elevation of the millions who toil-of the liberation of the Poor from the shackles of Monopoly-of the perfect freedom of that land, which God has given to the workers, and which Capitalists and Speculators dare no longer take away.

I listened to your discussions, and found that the same thoughts which I had nursed in the loneliness of an author's life, which I had in my isolation rudely endeavored to embody in my books-I found these same thoughts embodied in this Congress, in the souls of older, abler men,I found that the "Gospel of the Poor" moved in this hall, stirring every heart with its divine harmony, and crowding every tongue with the accents of Brotherhood.

And then, as I compared the object of your Congress with the object of other assemblages, and felt how sublimely that object towered above the petty wars of theologians and politicians, my heart responded to your thoughts; I could not help wishing you an earnest God-speed. I felt, that "it was good for us to be here."

For as I cast my eye over the faces of the Representatives of Laborover a Congress which symbolized the Industry and the Toil of the Union-my soul reverted to a day, some seventy-one years past, when only fifty-six farmers and mechanics met in a hall, not one mile from where I stand, proclaimed that All Men were equal in the sight of Godand all had a right to life, to happiness, and, of course, to Land and the fruits of Labor.

Therefore, I say to you now-not for myself, for I am a young man, and but a Neophyte in this great work-but in the name of that Faith which has never deserted me, that Faith which has kept your hands and your hearts firm and true to the cause of Man-that Faith which our Saviour proclaimed, when he said, Good tidings to the poor-and the Signers of Independence recognised, in their solemn Declaration-in

the name of that Faith which, through the long night of eighteen hundred years, God has never left without a witness, I speak to you, and beseech you, when you leave this hall, to mingle with the world, that you go forth among men, as the Evangelists of the Poor, the Apostles of the Sons of Toil.

And let us, the younger members of this Congress, be cheered in our labors by the examples which are before us. Let us behold the Pioneers of the Cause, and our hearts will grow strong for the conflict. Around me I behold men who have sacrificed much, suffered much in the cause of the Workers. I will not speak of a Van Amringe, whose life has been given to this work, nor of a Theophilus Fisk, who, for twenty years, has been at once an advocate and a martyr in the cause of the working man; I need not cite to you the enthusiasm of an Elder, who strikes his terrible blows on the very forehead of Error; nor of an Ingalls, who has made even the Pulpit an altar for the good cause,-nor will I speak of Chauncey Burr, whose voice, and heart, and pen, have long been pledged to Humanity. The examples of men like these are yours; you have known them all, and others who, like them, have made their mark upon the age.

But I cannot speak this Farewell in an accent of sadness. I know that the cause must triumph-I know that the day comes when the interests of the Rich and the Poor will be recognised in their true light,when there shall be left on the surface of this Union no Capitalist to grind dollars from the sweat and blood of the workers, no Speculator to juggle free land from the grasp of unborn generations. When every Man who toils shall dwell on his own ground, and when Factories, Almshouses, Jails, and the pestilential nooks of great cities, shall be displaced by the Homesteads of a Free People.

I know this-and you know it-for we all believe in God, and have his Promise on the same page of Revelation that records the Saviour's words in the Nazarene synagogue. "The Spirit of Jehovah is upon me" these were HIS words "to preach good tidings to the Poorsight to the blind, liberty to the bond,-the acceptable year of the Lord." In "

THAT ACCEPTABLE YEAR OF THE LORD," we have an unyielding faith. What manner of 66 acceptable year do we look for? An epoch of mere creeds? An era of sterile politics? A change of political dogmas, or a new phase of theological speculations? No! But we look for a Year, acceptable to God and Man, when the regeneration of the workers, from the anguish of physical suffering, shall prepare the way for the spiritual redemption of all mankind.

Is this a dream? Let not the Oppressor hug that thought to his guilty heart. A dream? Look at France-at Italy-at Europe, now palpitating in the throes of Revolution. Even Ireland stretches forth the white hands of three hundred thousand skeletons-the trophies of famine and hails, from the deeps of her despair, the coming of the Better Day. Shall all the world look for the redemption of the workers from the chains of social wrong, and our Union be left hopeless and desolate?

The man that says it, insults the ashes of our Fathers.