This was the theme of all the clergy on Sunday, throughout the whole county of Tipperary.

At the first mass in Nenagh chapel on Sunday, the Rev. Mr. Power spoke in the most earnest manner to the people in relation to this subject; the Rev. Mr. Bowles addressed the congregation to the same effect.

Rev. Dr. O'Flaherty, of Trillamore, admonished his flock in the most emphatic terms, not to join the standard of " the absurd men" as he called them, who were about to engage in a struggle with the government.

The parish priest of Urlingford, denounced in the most bitter terms any of his flock who should take part in the rebellion, telling them that the most awful consequences would ensue if they were guilty of such conduct.

Rev. Mr. Morris, of Borrisoleigh, pointed out to his people in the strongest and most impressive manner the sinfulness of the course of conduct recommended by Smith O'Brien. The Tory organ speaks in warm terms of acknowledgment of "the admirable conduct, at this emergency, of the Catholic Hierarchy generally," and to Bishop Brown, of Elphin, and Bishop Derry, of Clonfert, in particular, who had exhorted their clergy "to discountenance the pestilent club system."

This same government organ of August 1st, in an article advocating the endowment of the Catholic Clergy, declares that the country is indebted to them for preventing the outbreak. The editor says" Had they not exerted themselves with so much energy, zeal, and devotion, there would have been undoubtedly much mischief done, and many valuable lives would have been sacrificed. It is right that the eyes of all politicians should be fixed upon this fact." He says that their endowment is an act of justice; and that "the present insurrection is sufficient to show that their endowment as an integral institution of the State, would be sound policy, to say not a word of grateful recognition for their services."

Rev. John Maloney, the parish priest of Kilcommon, prevented a rising of the masses in the vicinity of the Keeper range of mountains. He hearing that the leaders of the revolution had gathered an immense concourse, who were ready to act, went among them, and by his zealous representations that the police were closely searching for them, succeeded in dispersing the multitude. He went through the neighborhood all day most earnestly, counselling every one to remain at home.

So the English have passed it to the credit of the Irish clergy, that freedom did not succeed. And so the world will pass it to their account.

But it has been said by some of the American press that the clergy knew best what was for the good of the Irish people.

And so they saw it was good to remain slaves. To starve in the midst of abundance. To kiss the hand that sheds their blood. To talk praisingly about a constituted authority that makes them slaves. And that was good! Then was the devil's advice to curse God and die good! Better that the whole Irish nation, to the last man and woman, should perish on the battle-field in a glorious struggle for freedom, than that only two millions of them should die like dogs of starvation. For the honor of Irishmen, for the honor of humanity, it were better.

Another piece of impertinence and ignorance has been going the rounds of the American press. We are told that the leaders of the late rebellion were weak men-men unequal to the task. I confess that I cannot see them so. I should be glad to know when of late the world has seen braver men than these Irish patriots? Which man in our own glorious constellation of heroes can we pick out and say he was a braver man?

"But, they gave themselves up"-" they suffered themselves to be taken!" Yes, which was precisely the only thing they could do, except it was to run away. They had never proposed to carry on that rebellion themselves without the people. The clergy had locked up the people at home with the terrible keys of St. Peter, and what could the patriots do now but to go home also?" But they might have escaped to some other country ?". Yes, true enough, they might have run away. And that is just what they would have done had they been cowards. But no, they gave themselves up, they said "here we are, we the felons, you know us, and we do not shrink from you." And did they ask for mercy? No, but they said " finish, on our heads, your work of tyranny if you will." And we call these men "weak," "not equal to the task." What business is that to us if they prefer bravely to die in the land they love, martyrs to the freedom they could not gain, to basely running away like hunted slaves, and hide themselves in the place of the strangers? These are no cowards, but brave and true men. They remind one continually of the stout captain and his company, in the play of the he "Sea Voyage," to whom Juletta says,

Why slaves, it is in our power to hang ye.

Very likely ;

'Tis in our power then to be hanged, and scorn ye.

It was with this same spirit of defiance and scorn, that the captured Irish patriots, met the craven hirelings, the nicnamed 'officers of justice,' of the British throne. It was a sickening sight to see those twelve filthy creatures called in the newspapers "English constables," as, one after another, they seized upon the brave weary old man, O'Brien, and dragged him roughly along, at a time when there was no attempt at escape or resist->

ance. To see them all successively grabbing and snatching at this one defenceless and unresisting man, as though "her majesty's officers" hoped to steal glory by touching the hem of the garment of an Irish rebel. And so they could. Under the ribs of this man beats a heart worth more than all the Englishmen in Ireland, even were the soul of my lord John Russell thrown in gratis, by way of climax to the filthy heap. Intellectually and morally the Irish patriots, which the English want to banish or hang, are worth more to mankind this hour than the whole British Parliament, with the driveling besotted house of lords to boot.

They are worth more in this great time, this world's battlehour for freedom, than all of England together, even were its brain multiplied by the groans of its victims.

And we talk in this country about the intellectual capacity of Ireland to govern itself, as though it were a questionable thing. A stupidity which, from long wearing, well enough fits an Englishman, but is silly and awkward beyond endurance, in an American politician. It is Irish intellect which has kept the black and sluggish sea of British politics from a deadly stagnation for more than half a century. It is Irish genius which for centuries has enlivened the dead and heavy literature of England, and given some spice and wit to its tame and chastised imagination. Intellect is the peculiar inheritance of Ireland. Through all the hellish plans to ruin her fame and break down her nationality, a constellation of genius has shone incessantly in her sky. Her orators, poets, heroes and politicians, have baptized the world with her literature. And so the voice of her glory has gone up with the knell of her freedom. Her Grattans, her Emmets, her Fitzgeralds, her Montgomerys, her Goldsmiths, her Cumberlands, her Moores, her Taylors, her Swifts, her Burkes and Sheridans have been an inheritance and a glory to mankind. With a genius as fadeless and perennial as her own shamrock, her intellect has rode triumphant above the tide that swept her political life into the hell of British lust.

Read the late political papers of Mitchell, O'Brien, and Duffy, and answer whether Ireland has intellect to govern herself. Contrast the writings of these men with the brutal lying government press of England. And, as a little mortification is good for the proud heart, let us compare the political writings of the Irish patriots with the loose and vulgar trash, the hard-cider, hickory-pole, log-cabin, coon-skin, story-telling, song-singing, literature, that fulminates through a portion of the party-press of America. To us the contrast will be sad and sickening enough. Nearly the whole battery of our party-press is devoted to the discussion of no great principles, but is charged solely against the private character of our public men. The editors of

such presses are only scavengers, who are sweeping and delving incessantly after filth. And as a result of all their great labor, and the crowning glory of their ambition, they are able to prove, if they themselves are not liars, on the one hand, that General Cass, who always passed for a gentleman and a good man, is only a mercenary scoundrel and a hypocrite; and, on the other, that General Taylor, who fought such brave battles out in Mexico, is, after all, a cowardly old butcher and a fool. And that Van Buren, who has been President of the United States, now that he is found out, does not belong to the human race at all, and never did, but is only a wicked old fox with a long tail.

The political Jupiters who conduct this controversy are precisely the men who expect to be among the law-makers, and law-ministers of our country. And these are the men who sneer at Irish freedom, and challenge the ability of the Irish statesman to govern their own country.

Leave Ireland to her own statesmen, freed from all clerical dictations and impertinence, and they would ultimately make it the richest and happiest country of Europe. Under circumstances of prosperity and contentment, the Irish nation is the easiest governed in the world. I beg pardon, no people should be easily governed. For self-government is the right of all nations. I will say then, that they would easily govern themselves. They have physical resources for prosperity and wealth beyond any other country in Europe. They have intellectual resources to give the utmost energy and power to government. The people are full of an instinctive love of freedom. The patriots are not only imbued with the spirit of liberty, but are well skilled in the theory of Democracy. They are men every way worthy and capable of directing the sentiment and energies of the Irish people in the formation of those free institutions which the terrible British tyranny has taught them to love.

England is the sole cause of Irish poverty, the sole cause of the destraction and mutual hatred among her people, the sole cause of the woe that wastes with shame and famine the most beautiful spot of Europe.

The removal of the cause will in time destroy the terrible effects. And that cause will be removed. England cannot much longer hold Ireland. Let her bribe the clergy as she may, even that will not long avail. In an age like the one the present is getting to be, a system of mere force and fraud must at length fail. The present position of Great Britain is telling that story to the world. Her entire system is one of force and fraud, and it is failing her. Already she is no more than a second power in Europe. It is a mortifying thought to an Englishman, but the times and season will force it evermore upon him, that England, which was once the leader of the nations of Europe,

which was somehow under the nations, with her commerce and science pushing them up to a higher destiny, has now become the obstructor of European civilization. She has at length worked herself through each civilizational power, and falls back with a dead leaden weight upon the heaving bosom of Europe. One more step and she is only a third power there. And that step she is this hour taking. In vain she tries to play over again her old tricks of 1794. Europe knows her; and no nation loves her. She has belted the world with hatred of her name; and now it only remains for her to reap the harvest she has sown.— When she gathers in her sheaves, the terrible monuments of her depravity, then certainly, if not before, will Ireland reap the full harvest of its vengeance. Every day that England delays the deed of justice to Ireland, but adds fury to that day of terrible reckoning that is to come between these nations. England must at last account to Ireland for all these ages of famine and wrong. Dreadful, dreadful will be that judgment-day.