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I shall not dispute. But that it may appear, how little the Christian religion is affected by this relation, notwithstanding some insinuations he hath intermixed with it, I shall make the following remarks.

It is of importance to know, what was the profession of this once so famous, though now forgotten, Paphlagonian? Was he a publisher of strange gods? No. * Was he the founder of a new system in religion? No. What was he then? He was no other than a professed fortune-teller. What were the arts by which he carried on this gainful trade? The essayist justly remarks, that "it was a wise policy in him, to lay the first scene of "his impostures in a country where the peo

* The learned and judicious author of the Observations on the Conversion and Apostleship of Saint Paul, hath inadvertently said of Alexander, that he introduced a new god into Pontus. The truth is, he only exhibited a reproduction of Esculapius, a well known deity in those parts, to whom he gave indeed the new Name GLYCON. In this there was nothing unsuitable to the genius of the mythology. Accordingly, we do not find, that either the priests, or the people, were in the least alarmed for the religion of the country, or ever charged Alexander as an innovator in religious matters. On the contrary, the greatest enemies he had to encounter, were not the religionists, but the latitudinarians.

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"ple were extremely ignorant and stupid, "and ready to swallow the grossest delu. "sion." For, " had Alexander fixed his re"sidence at Athens, the philosophers of that "renowned mart of learning had immediate ly spread through the whole Roman em pire their sense of the matter; which, be"ing supported by so great authority, and displayed by all the force of reason and "eloquence, had entirely opened the eyes " of mankind." I shall beg leave to remark another instance of good policy in him. He attempted not to gain the veneration of the multitude by opposing, but by adopting their religious prejudices. His whole plan of deceit was founded in the established superstition. The author himself will acknowledge, it would have been extreme folly in him to have acted otherwise: and all the world, I believe, will agree in thinking, that, in that case, he could not have had the smallest probability of success. What were the miracles he wrought?, I know of none, unless we will dignify with that name, some feats of legerdemain, performed mostly by candlelight; which, in many parts of Europe, we may daily see equalled, nay far exceeded, by those of modern jugglers. Add to these

some oracles he pronounced, concerning which, if we may form a judgment from the account and specimen given us by Lucian, we should conclude, that, like other Heathen oracles, they were generally unintelligible, equivocal, or false. Before whom did he exhibit his wonders? Before none, if he could help it, that were not thorough believers in the popular system. His nocturnal mysteries were always introduced with an AVAUNT to Atheists, Christians, and Epicureans: and indeed it was dangerous for any such to be present at them. Mr. Hume says, that" from his ignorant Paphlagonians, he "was enabled to proceed to the enlisting of "votaries among the Grecian philosophers." On what authority he advances this, I have not been able to discover. He adds, " and "men of the most eminent rank and di"stinction in Rome." Lucian mentions one man of rank, Rutilianus, among the votaries of the prophet; an honest man he calls him, but at the same time the weakest, the most superstitious, that ever lived. As to the military expedition, which one would imagine from Mr. Hume's expression, the Emperor had resolved on, in consequence of the encouragement which the delusive prophecies

of this impostor gave him, we find, on the contrary, it was undertaken before those prophecies were uttered. But further, Did Alexander risk any thing in assuming the charac ter of the interpreter of Esculapius? Did he lose, or did he suffer any thing in defence of it? Quite the reverse. He enriched himself by this most ingenious occupation. I shall say nothing of the picture which Lucian gives of his morals, of the many artifices which he used, or of the atrocious crimes which he perpetrated. It must be owned, that the principal scope for calumny and detraction is in what concerns the private life and moral character. Lucian was an ene my, and, by his own account, had received the highest provocation. But I avoid every thing, on this topic, that can admit a question.

Where, I would gladly know, lies the resemblance between this impostor and the first publishers of the gospel? Every one, on the most superficial review, may discover, that, in all the material circumstances, they are perfect contrasts. There appears not, therefore, to be great danger in the poignant remark with which the author concludes this rela

"not always happen, that every Alexander "meets with a Lucian, ready to expose and "detect his impostures." Lest the full import of this emphatical clause should not be apprehended, the author hath been still more explicit in the note: "It may here perhaps "be objected, that I proceed rashly, and "form my notions of Alexander, merely "from the account given of him by Lucian, “a professed enemy. It were indeed to be “wished, that some of the accounts published by his followers and accomplices had "remained. The opposition and contrast "betwixt the character and conduct of the

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same man, as drawn by a friend or an ene"my, is as strong, even in common life, “much more in these religious matters, as "that betwixt any two men in the world, "betwixt Alexander and St. Paul for in❝stance." Who can forbear to lament the uncommon distress of an author, obliged every moment to recur to unavailing wishes? Mr. Hume, however, in this calamitous situation, solaceth himself, as well as he can, by supposing what he cannot assert. He sup poseth what would have been the case, if his wishes could have been gratified; and artfully insinuates, in this manner, to his readers,

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