the battle of Megiddo, which, however, by a very pardonable mistake, he transforms into the town of Magdolus. There is mentioned, at the same time, the capture of the city Cadytis; and, by Cadytis, that Jerusalem is meant, will hardly, I think, be doubted, after the ingenious explanation advanced by Prideaux. Jerusalem, says the author of the Connection, was called the Holy City, which, in the Hebrew dialect, is "Cadusha," and in the Syriac "Cadutha." Cadytis can be nothing else than the same word with a Greek termination. In tracing Jewish history through Egyptian legends, one cannot fail to observe the very striking similarity of custom pervading the two nations. Circumcision was common to both; and it has long been a subject of discussion to which the priority in point of time ought to be adjudged. What a singular coincidence was the abhorrence of swine so strongly inculcated both by Jew and Egyptian. Sacrifices, of course, prevailed in Egypt, as over the rest of the world; but there was one rite attending them, among the people of whom we speak, that bears a remarkable resemblance to a ceremonial of the Jewish Law. The victim being slain, the sins of the nation were imprecated on its head, which, afterwards, they were careful to dispose of to some stranger, or to cast into the waters of the Nile, and supposed, by this act, the vengeance of Heaven had been averted from their own heads. What can be more parallel to the scape-goat of the Jews, which was sent loose into the desert, loaded with the sins of the whole people? Many other coincidences might be pointed out; but as I have already exceeded the limits which I assigned myself, I will only add in conclusion, that the above remarks have little claim to novelty, and that my own merit is rather identical with that of a burning-glass, by which the rays of light, previously dispersed, are now, for the first time, collected into a focus. B. B. P. HYMNS. MR. EDITOR,-The following Hymns are extracted from Dr. Hicke's Reformed Devotions. To such of your readers as are unacquainted with the work itself, these hymns cannot fail of being interesting, from the strain of unaffected piety which pervades them, and the simplicity and elegance of the language in which they are expressed. BEHOLD we come, dear Lord, to thee, Whate'er we have, whate'er we are, Thy bounty freely gave; But Oh! can all our store afford No better gifts for thee? I am, yours, &c. X. 'Tis not our tongues, or knee can pay, Far more we should than we can say, Come, then, my soul, bring all thy And grieve thou hast no more; On this, his own blest day; WHY do we seek felicity Where 'tis not to be found? And not, dear Lord, look up to thee, Where all delights abound? Why do we seek for treasure here, On this false barren sand? Where nought but empty shells appear, And marks of shipwreck stand? O world! how little do thy joys Concern a soul that knows Itself not made for such low toys As thy poor hand bestows! How cross art thou to that design, For which we had our birth; Us, who are made in heaven to shine, Thou bow'st down to the earth. Nay, to thy hell, for thither sink, World! take away thy tinsel wares, That dazzle here our eyes: Let us go up above the stars, Where all our treasure lies. The way we know: our dearest Lord, But, O, my God, reach down thy hand, All glory to the sacred Three, WAKE now, my soul, and humbly hear What thy mild Lord commands; Each word of his will charm thine ear, Each word will guide thy hands. Hark, how his sweet and tender care They that are merry, let them sing, So mounts the early chirping lark, Or rather, both should both assay, And their cross-notes unite; Hopes that all present sorrow heal, POLITICAL RETROSPECT. DOMESTIC.-Two Bills are in progress through the House of Commons for the purpose of removing Roman Catholic disabilities. One of these is to throw open both Houses of Parliament, all places under government, and all offices of state, except those of Lord High Chancellor, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; the other, which is stated to be for the protection of Pro testantism and liberty, is to disenfranchise the forty-shilling freeholders, and raise the qualification for voting at elections to 10%; and this is the solitary concession the Romanists are to make to their countrymen in return for a complete surrender of the privileges, both civil and religious, now enjoyed by the community at lagre. As the Duke of Cumberland emphati cally expressed himself, the country is to be sold for ten pounds. Much was said in favour of the Bill before it was brought down to the House, as framed in a manner calculated to produce universal satisfaction; that whilst it opened to the Papist equal opportunities with the Protestant of rising to the highest dignities of the state, it should at the same time insure the latter the full possession of the religion and constitution of the country without any innovation. The Attorney General has shown, in a very able speech, that the Bill itself has disproved these assertions, inasmuch as it contains no one security for the Established Church. It indeed pro vides that no Roman Catholic shall hold the office of Lord Chancellor, or any church preferment, or any place or dignity in either of the Universities, or in any ecclesiastical foundation in the United Kingdoms. Roman Catholics likewise continue to be disqualified for presenting to any ecclesiastical benefices; and if the right of presentation to such benefices be vested in any office held by a Roman Catholic, his Majesty is to appoint a commission of Protestant privy councillors, who shall exercise such right of presentation during the time that the office is held by a person professing Popery: neither shall it be lawful for a Papist to advise his Majesty, either directly or indirectly, in the disposal of ecclesiastical preferment, on the penalty of being for ever incapacitated from holding office under the crown, either civil or military. In addition to these regulations, it is enacted, that no Popish Bishop or Archbishop shall assume such title under penalties of from 50 to 200%; no Jesuit is to be permitted to enter the kingdom; or any person to take monastic vows, under a similar penalty. These provisions are deemed sufficient for the protection of our excellent and pure worship. The insufficiency of them is evident. It is impossible that the commissioners should not be under the direct influence of the minister; this therefore can be only an implement in his hands, to which responsibility, not power, will be transferred. Again, when once a body of Roman Catholics are admitted into Parliament, they will im VOL. XI. NO. IV. mediately be able to secure a majority on every occasion, and will therefore form a party which must always be secured by government at whatever price they may choose to ask; consequently they will virtually govern in every respect as may forward their own views. A pecuniary penalty, and that small, is a most useless security. When it is remembered what power the priests have lately shown in extorting money from the poorest of their flocks, and how ready foreign nations are found to supply them with this means of disturbing the country, there can be no doubt a fund will easily be raised for the payment of these forfeitures, whilst the Popish clergy will acquire an increased sanctity in the eyes of their followers as sufferers for conscience sake. An oath is likewise formed to be administered to Papists on their admission to office, by which they swear never to injure in the slightest degree the Protestant religion as by law established: but how can any reliance be placed on an oath, which no conscientious Roman Catholic could take with an intention of keeping longer than till an opportunity of breaking it offered advantageous to his hierarchy? The country has at present an opportunity of judging of what avail oaths can be to bind the consciences of public men. The shameless apostacy of the large majority of the House of Commons at the desire of the ministry, is a warning to the nation to require measures which shall fix our privileges on a yet firmer foundation, instead of tearing them up by the roots and throwing them at the feet of their enemies. It is said, that the British Papists have shown no desire to destroy the Established Church in the present state of things; the doctrines of their church teaches that they should not. Cardinal Bellarmine says, that "heretics are to be destroyed root and branch, if that can possibly be done; but if it appear that the Catholics are so few that they cannot conveniently with their own safety attempt such a thing, then it is best, in such a case, to be quiet, lest, upon opposition made by heretics, the Catholics should be worsted." When they have attained a safer station, it then becomes their duty to extirpate heresy. L L Mr. Peel has declared that it is necessary to break in upon the Constitution of 1688, though he has failed to produce arguments which could convince the country, and has endeavoured to decry the petitions that have literally poured into the House from all parts of the kingdom, affirming that they were got up by interested persons, and that the voice of the people ought only to be heard through their representatives. The very petitions prove, however, that the existing House of Commons does not represent the people, and in consequence of the little consideration shown them by that body, numerous ones are now preparing to be presented to His Majesty, praying him to continue firm in his protection to his true and loyal people, and not consent to sacrifice the welfare of the country, and the happiness and interests of twenty millions of his subjects, to gratify the ambition of a few treasonable agitators. It is absurd to talk of relieving six millions of persons by the measure: by far the larger portion of the Papists can only be affected by the Disenfranchisement Bill, which Mr. Peel considers so essential to Ireland, that he professes he would not pass the Relief Bill unaccompanied by it; and this is certainly what the lower class of Irish, among whom the majority of the Roman Catholics are to be found, can never be persuaded is a measure beneficial to them. The loss of their only political existence is the sole fruit they will reap from this boasted emancipation: it must tend rather to increase than to soothe their discontent, and must leave them in a frame of mind suited to the purpose of those who make tools of the ignorant multitude, for the promotion of their own factious views, and frightening His Majesty's ministers into a voluntary sacrifice of their religion and country. Still we trust this great calamity may be averted from us, and can but look with some hope to the Upper House; or that his Majesty, refusing his consent, will dissolve the Parliament, and summon one which shall more truly testify the attachment borne by the people to the Constitution and religion so nobly struggled for, and so dearly bought by our martyred ancestors. Were this plan adopted, we could fearlessly abide the result; the heart of the people is indeed moved as the heart of one man in this spirit-stirring cause; and we are perfectly satisfied that the issue would prove triumphant indeed in favour of Protestantism; but this our adversaries know as well as we do, and therefore they will leave no stone unturned to prevent such an overthrow of their purposes. But we have another and an omnipotent King, one who cannot be deceived, and who, however man may propose, disposes of all events as he sees best for his own glory and his church's welfare; and who can, if he will, interpose his gracious Providence to save us even in the eleventh hour. Let us not then forget to call upon him with earnestness proportionate to the magnitude of the danger, that he will stretch out the arm of his strength and come and save us if it be his will that this trial shall be brought upon his church, let us entreat for submission to endure it without repining, knowing that our national sins have well deserved a heavy punishment. BRAZIL. In answer to the deputation of Portuguese emigrants, requesting the Emperor of Brazil to restore tranquillity to Portugal, by placing Donna Maria on the throne, his Imperial Majesty has declared his firm determination to fight for the right of his daughter, and not to enter into any compromise with the Usurper. A war may therefore be expected between him and Don Miguel, whose tyranny is becoming every day more odious and cruel. An order has been issued by the Queen of Portugal, commanding all persons in the Portuguese depôt at Plymouth, to decide immediately whether they will go to Terceira or Brazil, but requiring all military officers to embark for Rio de Janeiro, to compose a portion of the expedition preparing by her father for the recovery of her throne. |