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ruption, till the rising up of the triumvirate, the fifth head of the Beast; B. C. 43. The dictator, .. ship of Sylla and Julius Cæsar could not be considered a new head of the Beast, as the Latins had already been”ruled by it in the persons of Cluilius and Fufetius. The sixth head of the Beast, or that which existed in the time of St. John, was, cousequently, the imperial power, the seventh Draconic form of government. The seventh Latin form of government was in futurity in St. John's time, but when it should come it was to endure but a short time, This part of the prophecy is thus explained by Bishop Newton: “ The sixth is the power of the Cæsars or emperors, which was subsisting in the time of the vision. An end was put to the imperial name in the year 476 by Odoacer king of the Heruli, who, having taken Rome, deposed Momyllus Auguse tulus, the last emperor of the west. He and his successors the Ostrogoths assumed the title of kings of Italy: but though the name was changed, the power still continued much the same. This, there, fore, cannot well be called a new form of govern, ment; it may rather be considered as a continuation of the imperial power, or as a renovation of the kingly authority. Consuls are reckoned but one form of government, though their office was frequently suspended, and after a time restored again: and in the same manner kings may be counted but one form of government, though the name was resumed after the interval of so many years. A new form of government was not erected,

till Rome fell under the obedience of the eastern emperor, and the emperor's lieutenant, the exarch of Ravenna, dissolved all the former magistracies, and constituted a Duke of Rome țo govern the. people, and to pay tribute to the exarchate of Ra; Venna -- This form of government commenced in 566, according to some accounts, or in the year 568 according to others; and the city revolted from the eastern emperor to the Pope in the year 727."* Plausible as this explication of the seventh head of the Beast may appear at first sight, a little consideration will shew that it is totally insufficient to explain the words of the text in a satisfactory man, ner: for a head of the Beast signifies a supreme independent form of government; consequently the Roman duchy cannot be the seventh head as it was dependent upon the exarchate of Ravenna; and the exarchate of Ravenna cannot be the head as it was itself in subjection to the Greek empire. It hence follows, that the form of government which the Romans had during the exarchate, was. the imperial power, the sixth and not the seventh head of the Beast. The Rev. G. Faber has ascertained the trutḥ exactly, in denominating the Carlovingian patriciate the seventh head of the beast. fThat this was a supreme independent form of government is evident from history. The

* See his Dissertat. on the Prophec'es, in loc.

+ Sze his Dissertation on the Prophecies, Vol. II. pp. 227, &c. Lond. 1810.

enna were

patriciate was the highest dignity in the Greek empire; and Justinian calls it summam dignitatem. * The Greek governors of Ravenna were indifferently styled exarchs and patricians ;+ and as long as the exarchate was in power, the patriciate was only a subordinate dignity. But after the conquest of the exarchate by the Lombards, the patriciate of Rome became independent of the Greek empire, especially after Pipin the French sovereign dispossessed the Lombards of the exarchate, and bestowed it upon the Pope, A. D. 755. Gibbon, in speaking of the patriciate, observes, that “the decrees of the senate and people successively invested Charles Martel and his posterity with the honours of Patrician of Rome. The leaders—of a powerful nation would have disdained a servile title and subordinate office: but the reign of the Greek emperors was suspended; and, in the vacancy of the empire, they derived a more glorious commission from the Pope and the republic. The Roman ambassadors presented these patricians with the keys of the shrine of St. Peter, as a pledge and symbol of sovereignty; and with a holy banner, which it was their right and duty to unfurl in the defence of the church and city. In the time of Charles Martel and of Pipin, the interposition of the Lombard kingdom, covered the freedom, while it threatened the safety, of Rome; and the Patriciate represented

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: * See Encyc. Brit. on the word Patrician.

+ See Gibbon's Decline and Fall, chap. 49,

only the title, the service, the alliance, of these distant protectors. The power and policy of Charlemagne annihilated an enemy, and imposed a master. In his first visit to the capital, he was received with all the honours which had formerly been paid to the exarch, the representative of the emperor; and these honours obtained some new decorations from the joy and gratitude of Pope Adrian I. In the portico Adrian expected him at the head of his clergy; they embraced as friends and equals : but, in their march to the altar, the king, or patrician, assumed the right hand of the Pope. Nor was the Frank content with these vain and empty demonstrations of respect. In the 26 years that elapsed between the conquest of Lombardy and his imperial coronation, Rome, which had been deli: vered by the sword, was sụbject, as his own, to the sceptre of Charlemagne. The people swore alle, giance to his person and family; in his name mo'ney was coined, and justice was administered : and the election of the Popes was examined and confirmed by his authority. Except an original and self-inherent claim of sovereignty, there was not any prerogative remaining, which the title of emperor could add to the patrician of Rome.” * In

* Gibbon?s Decline and Fall, chap. 49.-Struvius's account of the patriciate is as follows:–Exinde memoranda veniunt iura aduocatiæ atque Patritiatus Romanorum, quæ Carolus M. fuit adeptus. Scilicet, postquam Caroli M. pater Pipinus, Stephanum papam ab Aistulpho Longobardorum rege liberasset, ipsum non solum sed etiam filios ejus Carolum atque Carolomannum, A. C.

confirmation of what has already been said with respect to the patrician dignity becoming an inde

754. constituit Patritios, per quam dignitatem ipsis tune tempo, ris iura defensionis sedis Romanæ fuerunt concessa. Dum autem Adrianus Papa per legatum suum Petrum, Carolum ad auxilia contra Desiderium ferenda inuitaret, hac ratione vtebatur, quod ipse legitimus tutor et defensor esset ipsius ecclesiæ, quoniam illum Stephanas Papa in Patricium Romanorum ordinauerit. Jlinc denun jurą defensionis atque aduocatiæ Romanæ Carolo fuerunt concessą. Dum vero per menşium spatium Carolus in obsessione Papix vrbis moraretur, circą Paschatis festum Romam properans, vbi cum magna solemnitate a Papa et proceribus Ro. manis cum crucibus et vexillis fuit receptus, ipseque in Patritium Romanorum non solum constitutus, sed etiam sub hac dignitate jureque, Adrianus Papa habita synodo, sanctione pragmatice omne ius eligendi pontificem et ordinandi sedem Papalem con-. cessit, vt hac ratione sub titulo atque dignitate Patritiatus omne ius in vrbem et Papam Romanum Carolo concederetur. Adriano defuncto, Leo Pontificatum suscepit, et mox per legatos suos claves Confessionis S. Petri ac vexillum Romanæ vrbis cum aliis muneribus Regi misit, rogauitque, vt aliquem de suis optimatibus Romam mitteret, qui populum Romanum ad suam fidem atque subjectionem per sacramentum firmaret. Hinc etiam iura sua premi dominii tanquam Patritius in vrbem et Papam Romanum exercuit, dum in controversia Romanorum cum Leone Papa iudicem, ageret, monetas Romæ cudi faceret, hoc Patricii titulo inter alios vteretur, eosdemque regiis æquipararet, dum ista ætate non nisi regnorum tituli essent vsitati, atque ab eodem anni rem giminis computarentur. Quare etiam Scriptores adserere non dubitant, Carolum Romam, antequam Imperator fieret, suis sceptris addidisse. See his Corpus Historiæ Germanicæ, Tom, I. pp. 136~-139. Periodưs iv. § 25, 26.

“ From that time the rights of the office of protector, and of the patriciate of the Romans, which Charlemagne obtained, began to be mentioned. For after that Pipin, the father of Chare

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