expressed his perfect reliance on their public spirit for making such provision as might be necessary for the service of the year. He congratulated them on the progressive improvement of the revenue, which could not fail to encourage a perseverance in the system of defraying the expenses of the war, with as little addition as possible to the public debt, and to the permanent burthens of the state. He lamented the heavy pressure which must unavoidably be experienced by his people but was persuaded that they would meet it with fortitude, under a conviction of the indispensable importance of upholding the dignity, and of providing effectually for the safety, of the empire. The marquis of Sligo moved the address in the house of lords. He rose to express those sentiments which the speech from the throne had suggested. He felt most strongly the importance of perfect unanimity, and trusted that nothing which might fall from him would obstruct the success of so desirable an object. He called the attention of their lordships to the character of the enemy with whom we had to contend, and represented our annihilation, as an independent state, to be the sole aim of his hostile operations. But if ever there was a period when this nation was peculiarly deserving the admiration of the world, it is now, when every individual, born to the protection of equal laws, stands forward, without distinction of rank, class, or situation, to shed his blood in defence of that invaluable inheritance. Great Britain offers itself, to the admiration of the world, in a novel attitude: a nation of soldiers, not brought together by the terrors of revolutionary laws, not invited by the hopes of plunder from the devastation of contiguous nations, but voluntarily stepping forth on principles of the purest and sublimest patriotism, and actuated by the heroic determination to die in defence of a free, unrivalled constitution. The noble marquis observed, that if France, assisted in her projects against other states by their internal dissensions, entertained the same expectation here, she would discover, that, whatever difference in political opinions might prevail, or however we may be divided in another part of the empire by distinctions of religion, there are principles in which we are unanimous: we will not be invaded by a foreign enemy: we will not submit to the dictation of a foreign power: we will live independent, as our ancestors lived, or we will not survive our independence. He felt a considerable share of confidence in addressing their lordships on the subject of the insurrection in Ireland; having been' there before it broke out, during its progress, and after its suppression. He asserted that the conspiracy had been fomented by the intrigues of France. It had been traced to its very source; and not only every ringleader, but every conspicuous person concerned in it, had been discovered and brought to punishment, after being allowed the full benefit of those mild, just, and lenient laws, which in their madness they had attempted to overturn. If, by the misinformation of their emissaries, the enemy should attempt to execute their design of invading Ireland, the noble marquis pledged himself to their lordships, that they would meet meet with a vigorous resistance from every rank and every persua. sion of the inhabitants. After making a few observations on the other topics contained in the speech, and dwelling, with grateful satisfaction, on the declaration of his majesty, to share the dangers and the exer tions of his faithful people in the common cause in which we are embarked, he concluded by mov ing an address to his majesty. The address consisted, as usual, of a re. petition of the sentiments and topics contained in the speech, accompanied with general expressions of gratitude and satisfaction. The earl of Limerick seconded the motion. He took an extensive view of the exertions which had been made to carry into effect the measures adopted for the prosecution of the war, and for the defence of the united kingdom. On this subject, he observed that the conduct of ministers merited the fullest approbation. The numbers armed and trained for service, far exceed ed the extent of the military force which the feverish efforts of France had raised in the most fervid moments of the revolution. He conceived that it was an object of indispensable necessity, to provide in the first instance for the internal security of the empire. Mad and Quixotic would that conduct have been, which grasped at foreign acquisitions, and left the heart and soul of all naked and unprotected. If any were dissatisfied with the comparatively trivial number of these acquisitions, he exhorted them to remember, that England, from her system of low establishment in time of peace, could not immediately call the whole of her force into action. On the state of Ireland, the earl of Limerick expatiated with much eloquent animation. He thanked God that those hands which had been raised to murder their best fellow citizens, and destroy a constitution under which every thing flourished, were now cold and lifeless. The numbers engaged in the insurrection were contemptible; the plan itself rash and ill-digested. The malignant spirit, however, which prevailed among the people was mischievous and extensive. He stated that much of the feebleness of the attempt was to be attributed to a difference of opinion among the leaders, as to the time of beginning the rebellion. This disagreement produced the most fortunate effects; it palsied their efforts; it distracted their councils. Many of the country leaders, with their associates, who had come to Dublin to join in the insurrection, dissatisfied with all the measures of the confederates, left the city the day preceding the explosion of the conspiracy. He highly applauded the temperate proceedings of government in leaving the trials of the conspirators to the due course of law, instead of exercising the power conferred by the legisla ture, of resorting to trials by miitary tribunals; and he praised their mildness and forbearance in delaying the trials till the public' mind, naturally inflamed by the sanguinary atrocities of the rebels, had full time to cool, and till they were certain that impartial justice would be faithfully administered. Although he entertained a hope, that many of the rebels were not irreclaimable, yet he acknowledged that the stain of jacobinism could never be thoroughly effaced. The generation tainted with it must pass away. He was, however, of opinion, that a remedy for the mischief might be found in the loyalty and spirit of the great body of the On the restriction imposed on the militia of Ireland he expressed his decided opinion, that it was consonant neither to the letter nor to the spirit of the Union. In the last session, it had been thought improper to continue the restriction on the English and Scotch militia. The principle of suspending the restriction was certainly just; and as long as this invidious distinction was permitted to exist, with regard to the militia of Ireland, the Union, he asserted, would be imperfect. It would be an union on parchment, and not that consolida tion of interests, of services, and of affections, which the name of union denotes. But if the English and Scotch militia were not permitted to serve in Ireland, he could discover no reason, why a portion of the Irish militia should not be allowed to serve in this part of the British empire. They would have no objection to the service, and he would pledge his existence, that they would not only distinguish themselves, but equal any of our regiments in steadiness and valour. To this it might be objected, that the militia had been raised upon other conditions, which must be faithfully observed. But these objections might be removed, by permitting them to volunteer for service in any part of the united kingdom; and, to prevent them from abandoning the service for which they may volunteer, a law might be passed, in order to oblige them. to remain, for a limited period, in any part of Great Britain. The earl of Limerick shortly adverted to the system of finance recommended in the speech, and to the convention concluded with the king of Sweden. On the spirited and patriotic declaration of his majesty, to share the dangers of his subjects in the hour of invasion, he dwelt with appropriate and nervous language. He predicted, that the haughty invader, surrounded by barbarian guards, and by battalions stained with the blood and gorged with the plunder of Europe, would shrink from the contest, or possibly find a grave in the waves which opened a passage to our shores. Peace might then be safely concluded. The talisman of Gallic power would be broken; the charm dissolved. Europe would at length be convinced, that the road to national security is the road of fortitude and exertion. The question was then put, and the address unanimously voted. In the house of commons, the address was moved by Mr. Cropley Ashley, and seconded by Mr. John Berkeley Burland. The former dilated considerably on the various subjects which his majesty had introduced into his speech. The latter, pursuing in some degree a different course of observation, demonstrated the importance of the crisis, and the necessity of unanimity. He was, however, apprehensive, not of a want of courage in the people, nor of vigour in the government, but of an improvident confidence in the security of the nation, arising from the great rescurces of the country, and and the many difficulties which must oppose a successful invasion. He warned those who might be disposed to hold this language, to reflect on the rashly adventurous character of the enemy, and pointed their attention to the armaments which covered the coast, from the Texel to the bay of Biscay. He wished them to consider that he had invaded Egypt, when France was involved in war with most of the powers of Europe; that whatever he threatened, he attempted to execute; that humanity, which opposes a barrier to the ambition of ordinary men, formed no ob stacle to his views. He advised those who conceived that Bonaparte had never seriously entertained the project of invasion, to reflect on all these circumstances; which he regarded as sufficient to convince them, that he would certainly attempt to carry his menace into execution. Whatever might be the issue of the contest, however glorious its ultimate termination to Great Britain, he should always regret the revolution which it had produced in the manners and constitution of every state in Europe. For, while the military despotism of France exists, every nation in Europe must rely, for the preservation of its laws and its independence, chiefly on the strength of its military force. But since this evil had arisen, he rejoiced to see that arms were confided to those who were actuated by interest, as well as by principle, to use them in defence of the laws and constitution of their country. He contrasted the character of the military force of Great Britain and France, bestowed a warm tribute of praise on the conduct of the navy, and concluded by sup porting the address, which, he was convinced, expressed the genuine feelings of every subject of the empire. Mr. Burland was succeeded by Mr. Fox, who rose merely to ad vert to two points-one of which was omitted, and the other par ticularly alluded to, in the speech. He meant, the mediation of Russia, and the state of Ireland. In the course of the last session of parlia ment, when he called the attention of the house to the mediation of the court of Petersburgh, a noble secretary of state, no longer in that house, distinctly pledged himself, that ministers were not only disposed to accept of the mediation of Russia, if offered, but, if not offered, directly to solicit it. He had every reason to think, that the noble secretary (lord Hawkes bury) was sincere in the pledge which he then gave, and that ministers had acted on that declara, tion. After an interval of time, sufficient to have in some degree ascertained how far such an appli cation was likely to be successful, he expected that his majesty would have referred, in his speech, to a subject of so much importance. With regard to the situation of Ireland, he saw no reason to think, that the confident hope expressed in his majesty's speech, of the permanent continuance of tranquillity, would be realized while the present system was pursued. He observed, it was asserted in the speech, that the leaders of the late rebellion had in view the introduction of French dominion into Ireland. Whatever might be the crimes of the leaders of the insurrection, whatever atrocities the rebellion had exhibited, upon which no man reflected with greater horror than himself, he did not think it just to stigmatize the authors authors of the conspiracy with at all leaguing themselves with the French government, in their views of destroying all connection with this country. Such a connection the leaders of the conspiracy had most unequivocally disclaimed. He trusted that the house would not suffer itself to be misled, by any general assertions respecting the permanent tranquillity of Ireland; nor be so far influenced by them as to conclude that future inquiry would be unnecessary. Mr. Fox sat down with declaring, that he should not disturb the unanimity which there seemed every reason to expect would prevail in voting for the address. The chancellor of the exchequer, in reply to Mr. Fox, stated that the mediation of Russia had been accepted; but from the discussions to which it had given rise, his majesty's ministers had reason to see, that it was not likely to be of any advantage in accomplishing the object in view. He was not surprised that the hon. gentleman should have noticed this omission in the speech; but circumstances of a nature which he hoped would be only temporary, had prevented ministers from making a communication on this subject to the house. He could not absolutely pledge himself to make a communication, should the obstacle to which he had alluded be removed; but he assured the house, that it was the wish of his majesty's servants to conceal no information which might be necessary to explain the circumstances attending the negotiation. The chancellor of the exchequer then adverted to what had fallen from Mr. Fox, relative to Ireland, and contended that it was by no means implied in his majesty's speech, that the leaders of the rebellion had conceived any design of introducing French do minion into that country. On the contrary, it only expressed a hope,. that the Irish, by contrasting their own condition with that of the nations subjugated by the French government, would be induced to resist the common enemy of the civilized world. He would concede to the hon. member, that many of the leaders of the rebellion were sincere in their abhorrence of French alliance; but he had the best means of knowing, that they were disposed to avail themselves of French aid, in order to prosecute their views with a better prospect of success. He deprecated all discussion with respect to the state of Ireland in the present situation of affairs, from a conviction that it would only tend to aggravate existing evils, without producing any species of advantage. He concluded with giving his cordial vote for the address. The question was put from the chair, and unanimously agreed to; and a committee was appointed to prepare the address. Upon Mr. C. Ashley's moving, that the address be read a second time, Mr. Windham thought it necessary to explain the nature and motives of the vote which he had given the preceding evening. He wished to guard against the error and misconception of being supposed, while he gave an unlimited support to the cause of the country, to give the same countenance and approbation in unanimously sup. porting his majesty's ministers. He felt particularly anxious not to be understood to belong to those who conceived the cause of the country should be identified with the cause of ministers, and declared, that no unprejudiced mind could pretend to |