Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

which in the faid fecond table tands against 2900 in column 2d, and which you may call the Number of Direction, if you pleafe. Thefe Numbers of Direction, which begin in Table H. at 1, and go on in an irregular manner to 29, compofe Table III. in the Calendar, to find out which no directions are there given.

Next, to find out Eafter Limit, or the Pafchal full moon, take the following rule: Example for the year 2201, Golden Num

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors]

ber 17.

Rem. o from so

50

-

50 left.

50 days from March 1ft inclufive limit. March 31 fubtract. April 19, limit or Pafchal moon, 19 lefs by one; leave 18 for full moon.

Here it may be proper to consider that our law-givers having fixed Eafter limit to be contained between March 21 and April 18 inclufive, (the time of a lunation nearly,) we keep the Pafchal full moons within thefe limits. By the laft rule we are to abate one when the Golden Number is above 11, and 50 is left, as in the above example; otherwife the 19th of April would have been the Pafchal full moon. This may be fufficient to give Mr. T. B. a hint why the Golden Numbers 17 and 6 are not removed a day ferther, as well as the other Golden Numbers; for this would be removing the Pafchal, fuil moon beyond the cftablished limits of Eatter. This may alfo fuggeft a reafon why we have two 17ths and two 18ths of April in Table II. in the Calendar; for when the Golden Number is 6, and the number of direction 1, as in the 17th and 8th centuries; or when it is 2. as in the 19th and 20th centuries, one column cannot contain both Numbers of Direction, viz. both 1 and 2 under Golden Number 6, therefore two 18ths of April (as well as two 17ths, for the fame reafon,) in Table 11. are neceffary.

I

Mr. URBAN,

Was lately present at a converfa. tion where the English language wis the fubje&t of discourse; and, anong other circumftances, the origin of what is called the genitive cafe with an apostrophe. One of the company, upon the authority of Dr. Lowth, af firmed, that this cafe was derived from the Saxon genitive cafe: that God's grace was formerly written Godis grace, Thomas's book, formerly Thomagis book, &c. He obferved, that Dr. Johnfon likewile tells us, that our genitive cafe is derived from the Saxon; and that knitis is ufed for knight's in Chaucer.

On the other hand, it was afferted by a gentleman of learning, that the apotrophe does not denote the omiffion of an, but an e; that there is no Saxon genitive ending in is; and that Saxon writers always wrote the genitive with an e: as Goles, Smithes, Chrifles, Cyrufes, Titufes, &c. He added, that this point had been proved to a demonfrition by a learned writer, in the Critical Review for January 1777.

Now, Sir, as I have a veneration for the two grammarians abovementioned, I fhould be glad to know, what can be faid in their defence, How can we

affert, that the direct derivation of this cafe from the Saxon genitive is fufficient of itself to decide this matter, when the Saxon grammars acknowledge no fuch termination in the genitive? Where are we to look for Godis and knitis? Are they in early and good editions, or only in fome late and badly printed copies of Chaucer and others? Are they not poetical licences? or, rather, are they not inftances of that inattention to orthography, which is obfervable in all our ancient writers ?

This question concerns the ftru&ture of our native language, and, therefore, I hope to fee it inveftigated by fome of your learned correfpondents. I am, Sir, yours, J. R.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

Ex

Notes concerning St. Edmund's Bury, in Com. SUFFOLK. tracted out of the Right Honourable the Earl of OXFÖRD's library by Mr. WANLEY. IN very ancient times one Bendric

was owner of the ground where the abbey and town of BURY ST. EDMUND was afterwards built; from which Besdric the Village (then very fmail) was called Beodnicer porte, i. e. Beodrici Villa: and his demefne Lands were the fields adjacent to the town of BURY, which appertained afterward to the office (as I remember) of the Celerar. Upon the foundation of the monastery by K. Cnut, the old name came to be foon out of ufe, and the place to be called Burgh.

This abbey being in process of time richly endowed, even with the lands of 52 knights fees and of a fee, with eight hundreds and an half (befides later purchases and benefactions) drew great numbers of people to it; whọ building upon the foil of the monaftery, were tenants thereunto, depended upon it, and were governed thereby both in temporals and fpirituals; although in another refpect they conftituted the community of the town or borough of BURY.

As to fpirituais (I only crave leave to mention it by the by) the banleuca, or immediate liber y of the monastery, which (I believe) extended to the Four Croffe of BURY, was a fort of diocefe. For the Lord Abbat (who was always a lord of parliament as holding per baroniam, his fhare of the manors, &c. being called baronia &banor Sancti Edmundi) was alfo mitred, and exempt from all jurif diction epifcopal, archiepifcopal, and legantine, except that of a legat de Latere. Wills were proved in his court, and in moft cafes he acted as epifcopus loci. He had an archidia. conus S. Edmundi, who was facr ftor fexteyn of the monaftery, and a rural dean or decanus chriftianitatis, both obedient to him; together with above forty clergymen officiating in the churches and chapels of the town, and the hofpitals, befides fourfcore GENT. MAG. for Sept. 1780.

:

monks and fifteen chaplains in the abbey and of thefe confifted the fynod, when the abbat fummoned them in their form; and they deli berated together upon important matters, and made their fynodical conftitutions, which were to bind them.

In matters temporal they were almost entirely governed by the abbat and his officers; as may, in part, appear by iome of thefe following citations.

Abbas conventus clamant, quòd nulla fecularis perfona aui minifter revis in aliquo fe intromittat de prædicio burga, nifi udem abb. & conv. aut eorum miniftri; per cartam Henrici primi. 60. C. 9. fol 9.

Inquifitio capia apud San&tum Ead-mundum, anno 20 Edw. 1.—-Cùm ad abbatem S. Eadmudi domnium ejujdem villæ, & non od alium, in omnibus pertineat, aldermannum & bal, livos facere pro voluntate jua, & eos amovere; burgenfes quendam Jobannim le Orfevere ballivum fecerunt, & quantum in eis ef, aldermannum conftitue runt, &c.Item, cùm cuflodia predicta ville ad abbatem pertineat, vam portarum quàm resum aliarum, burgenfes nuper quendam Roberium de Wipet affignatum per abbatem ad portas auftrates cuftediendas amoverunt, in lafionem libertatis, &c.- -Jura'i dicunt- quòd Johannes le Orjevere-pra las tranfgreffiones & injurias pradio abbati jecerunt--42. B. 8. fol. 15. 60. C. 9. voc. BURY.

Jobannes de Heerwolde une [i. e. anno 30 Edw. 1.] aidermannus villa, de S. Edmundo fecit bemagium d:Eto [Thomæ de Totingtone] Domino abbati pro je & communitate villa pradilla, die jovis [in] Vigilia fandi Matthæi Apofloliin au ́á diéli abbatis apud S. Edmundum: & pof ficit eidem fidelitatem; & omnes burgenfes confimiliter, prout moris eft. 36. C. 13. fol. 60.

The abbat conftituted the high Reward, or fenefchalius libertatis, and the conflable, &c. Ibid. fol. 67, b. As alfo his juftices or judges ad inquirend. audiend.&terminaud. - Felonia&tranfgrifiones, confpirationes & cambitarcias contra pacem domini regis in villâ SUA de Sunclo Edmundo-Ibid. fel, 68, b. fol. 73, b. fol. 81, b. Moreover, he had his juftices de trailehofion (if they were not the fame with the former) who had power to punish the contumacious, or excommunicated perfons. Ibid. fol. 82. b.

-

Aferit contra [Elienfen Epif copum]

[ocr errors]

copum] Abbas S. Edmundi & fui, quòd -omnia que vicecomes Norff. & Suff. enet & terminat_in_comitatibus fuis z fic & ipfe infra bundreda fua: & in Seyfina ef. Item, quòd ipfe babet returkum omnium brevium domini regis, que tangunt libertates fuas & exiftentia infra eas. Et ipfe & ballivi jui debent ea exequi, & nullus alius, nifi pro defellu fuo; quia ipfe folus habet warrentum tam de attachiamentisfummonationibus, & confimilibus : & in Seyfina fi.—Item, quòd nec placita corone--nec aliqua executio regii mandati de quo ipfe folus babet warrentum, feilicet returnum brevis —— ad al quem fpectant infra diclá bundredá, nifi ad Abbatem folum.——36. C. 13. fol. 122. 60. C. 9. fol. 18, b. 36, C. 13. fol. 153, 154. 60. C. 9. tol. 23, b.

Item [Abbas & Conventus] clamant, quòd nullus jufticiarius, vicecomes, efchaetor, coronator, fenefcallus, aut marefcallus domini regis infra dictum burgum fedeat, placitum teneat, aut aliquod officium exerceat ; per exemplificationem Edwardi III. 60. C. 9. fol. 18. fol. 22, b.

-Et vicecomes Norff. & Suff, modò mandat quod præcepit Radulpho de Beckynge fenefcallo libertatis San&ti Edmundi, qui habet returnum omnium brevium & præceptorum de quibufcunque rebus exequendis infra libertatem pradi&am. Ibid. fol. 21, b.

So far to fhew (in fome measure) how extenfive the power was, which the abbat used and legally exercised within his liberty, of which the town of BURY was a part.

On the other fide,

Jofceline de Brackelende in his Chronicon or life of abbat Sampson (a tract highly deferving to be publith'd), writeth, that in a contell between the abbat and the townfinen of BURY, they made use of this expreffion,à tempore quo villa Sandi Eadmundi nomen & libertatem burgi accepit. 63. D. 6. fol. 117. & vid. fol. Yet here I cannot think that 149. the libertas burgi was granted unto them by royal patent; but rather by their mefne lords, the abbats.

For although it appeareth by the inquifition above cited, that the townsmen pretended to keep or hold a gildhal, te abbat (and the country too, I mean the jury) found and deem'd thofe affemblies to be but conventicles.

The fame Jofceline, fol. 142, b. 143. hath another odd expreffion concerning thefe townfmen. -Decimo anno abbatiæ

"

1197.] B genfes fummoniti refponde-
runt, je effe in affifa regis, nec de tone-
mentis que illi & patres eorum tenuerunt
bene & in pace ung anno & uno die fine
calumnia fe velle refpondere contra
LIBERTATEM VILLE & CARTAS
SUAS. Libertatem villa & cartas fuas
are great words; and yet I cannot in-
clude a corporation-grant in them : for
I find that the abbats Anfelm, Ordinɛ,
and Hugh, before this Sampjon, made
divers grants to these their burgeffes;
but I find not the least mention of any
from the crown, or the leaft mention
of them as a corporation, although I
have taken good pains with eight ab-
bey books of that monaftery now in
your lordship's library, and run
through your fine kalendar to the re-
cords in the torver. The fites and
lands of all monafteries, and the liber-
ties thereunto belonging, being vested
in the crown, by two ftatutes, viz. 31
Hen. VIII. can. 13. and 32. Hen. VIII.
cap. 20. and the crown having fince
made many grants of the fites of
monafteries and their ancient liber-
ties; fhould be glad to know whỏ
hath the legal poffetion of the fite of
this abbey; and whether he hath not
all the old liberties, franchifes, privi-
leges, &c. conveyed unto him; and
confequently the return of the king's
H. W.
writs, as the abbate had..

Mr. URBAN,

Wells, purchafed the town of Bath Ohannes de Villula, XVIth bishop of of king Henry II. for goo marks, and transferred his fee thither in 1008. Hence arofe a difpute between the monks of Bath and canons of Wells, concerning declaring a bifhop; the difpute was compromifed and agreed that the bishop fhould be nominated for both places, and the precedency given to Bath; in cafe of vacancy a number of delegates from both churches fhould elect her prelate, and, being clected, should be installed in both, both to be deemed the bishop's chapter; and the grants and patents confirmed in both: thus the cafe stood until the reign of Henry VIII; when the monastery of both was diffolved; and an act of parliament paffed, commanding the dean and chapter of Wells to make one fole chapter for the bishop, A. 38 H. VII. c. 15. S. C. Mr. URBAN, Sept. 4.

I'

F you think the following note, which I found on my table the other day, a proper companion to that in p. 373, it is A CLERGYMAN, at your fervice. "Plas to bot this fepret in the book, "Wm. Alcock. Barrow,

Mr. URBAN, Briflol, Sept. 6, 1780. KNowing how highly every fragment

of a celebrated writer is prized by connoiffeurs, I am inclined to be. lieve that the inclofed original letter of the late Do&tor Byrom may prove an acceptable prefent to the learned and curious; and doubt not you will favour it with a place in your choice repofitory, that it may be conveyed down the stream of time, along with the kindred productions of his ingenious and admired cotemporaries.

"Dear beloved friend,

YOUR two letters relating to Monheur Poiret were, beyond all fort of compliment, acceptable. I have always looked upon that writer as an honeft impartial feeker and lover of truth, wherever he could find it; and am happy in fpeaking my fentiments of him to you and Mr. F with a freedom that one can feldom enjoy; because the prevalence of a taste fo different from yours does but seldom afford an opportunity of doing justice to fo honeft a writer, or of being con, vinced that he is one of that character. His attachment to the infpired virgin Bourignon railed him enemies amongst the numbers that would, perhaps, have done him greater justice in other matters, if he had not faid fo much of that lady; against whom Mr. Lefly having conceived fo high a prejudice, her zealous advocate was fure to fuffer for admiring the object of that learned gentleman's averfion. Not that Monfieur Poiret defigned affront to any of the learned. Intent on real truth in religious matters, he accidentally, or rather providentially, met with fomewhat of her writing, which fo affected him and his wife, that they refolved upon a journey, to fee a person who could write in that manner, Led to fuch a vifit by a regard only to that good fpirit, by which they honeftly believed that the herself was led, he lived with her about four years (till the dyed), and was undoubtedly a more experienced witnefs concerning her, than Mr. Lesley could be. This was the preferment that Poiret went in queft of; and if it tended to his fatisfaction, and he endeavoured to communicate by his writings the truths which he had received from her, or any other person, although he had really been mistaken in his zeal, that of Leley against him and his inftructor was rather too out

rageous. I judged that Lesley was mistaken; and with all the deference due to him, in points that he had confidered better, could never imagine, any more than you can now, why he fhould characterize him in the manner he has done. I am glad that the mention of Poiret's Divine Oeconomy gave occafion to one, whom I dearly love for the fame regard to truth that I think he had, to fee with his own eyes, that fuch a character was undeferved.

The Divine Prescience is a subject which the ignorance of men has treated with a strange voluminous confufion. Mr. Lefey's accufation of Poiret, for writing against it, is unjuft. An attempt to explain a matter, though one fhould fail, cannot, in common candour, be treated as a denial. Simon Magus is recorded some where, I remember, in the apoftolic Dionyfius, to have accused St. Paul of denying the omnipotence of God, by affirming that there was any thing which he could not dɔ; meaning, fays St. Dionyfius, a reproach upon St. Paul's faying, God cannot deny himself, which the faint fhews would be a weakness, and not a potency. So if any prefcience, fo called, involve an impoffibility, a cruelty, an imperfection of any kind, one would not dare to affirm it of a good and perfect God. Lesley was too much in hafte when he urged it as a contradiction, that God knows not what fin is, though he forbids it; for it is fufficient that he knows what it is not; or, as Poiret fays, "what does not admit of his light, and therefore must be dark, unright, unhappy:" if one should say of any perfon always fober, that he knows. not what it is to be drunk, would it be any reproach upon his understanding? it feems to me that God can do, or know, whatever he pleafes; but, that his action and knowledge must be according to certain definitions, whether he will or not, I should think a lefs perfection in him to whom we ought to afcribe the greatest.

By your fecond letter, I perceive that you are not only emancipated from Mr. Lefley's authority, with regard to Monfieur Poiret, but to the myflies in general, whom with all his great and good abilities, he mifapprehended.Afraid of one extreme he ran too in confiderately into another. The contempt of outward ordinances, and of eftablished fyftems, which he had obferved in fome, made him too rafhly

to

to determine concerning others. And fucceeding well in his attack upon ad verfaries, he injured his talents by falling upon the most impregnable body of friends to piety, that life and letters can unite and exhibit. If, with jufter apprehenfions than he had, you can relish the myfie writerss you may do justice to his merits, without yielding to his mittakes. The true miflics (for iu diamonds there are flaws and counterfeits) appear to fet religion in its most amiable and convincing light; to give the fubitance of it, till the fame through every change of circumftance and ceremony, whether of God's appointment or permiffion. Inttead of endless controverfies about culoms and phrafes, they inculcate an hearty and holy use of all that innocently, or indifferently, prefent themselves to qur obfervance. As you obferve, (and it is faying all,) they place religion in the foundaefs of the beart. Their main and plain principles, in which it is wonderful to fee the concurrence of different ages, places, and profeflions, may doubtless be profaned, as well as myfic Paul's unto the pure all things are pare. But nothing but the truth itself could create that harmony

in effentials, which characterizes the myftics.

A purgatory fate of purification, abstracting from all learned, and monied abufes of the doctrine, I conceive to be a juft and comfortable truth; just as an antidote against prefumption, and comfortable, as one against defpair. Few, perhaps, are fo totally faints as to want none, or fo abandonedly finners as to be incapable of any. But an engagement to meet acquaintance paffing through the town obliges me to conclude at prefent, with one fair petition, that you will not humble me any farther with lights that I gave you, unless you will own the previous fact, that they were kindled by your torch. Before I had the comfort of knowing you, you had read and tasted Mr. Law's writings, and were prepared to give the latisfaction which I frequently received, of having lentiments, which I could diftruit my own judgment in, confirmed by an unprejudiced attention. I am with love and fervice to all f-s and friends,

Your affectionate, obliged,
Humble fervant,
JOHN BYROM.

* Doctor Byrom thought Atheism and Defin fo folidly refuted in Mr. Law's Appeal, ta all who doubt or dfbelieve the truths of the gospel, that he had once an intention of tranflating it into Latin for the ufe of foreigners. What a pity it is that he dropt that benevolept intention, if what Bop Burnet tells us in his travels be still true, viz. that divers eminent perfons in Italy were deeply tinctured with atheism, as a confequence of the grofs idolatry and fuperftition of the church of Rome. Thank Heaven! among our noble and learned men, there are but few, if any, atheiffical monfters, though many defts. But as deifm has certainly no folid ground to stand upon, as is plainly and fully demontrated in Mr. Law's Appeal, and his Way to Divine Knowledge, in which all Nature is made to proclaim a Trinity, it behoves every thoughtful man to contemplate this deep reality, and to receive, and embrace with open arms, the truth itself; namely JESUS CHRIST, the Light of the World, and of every divine Soul. That to when he ftands, at the parting moment, upon the brink of an awful eternity, he may not be deluded and benighted as old Hobbes, with all his learning and philofophy, was, who is recorded to have left the world in the ninety fecond year of his age, with this memorable expreffion of doubt and difmay, viz. that he was going to take a leap in the dark. A dying speecht, worthy of a scepte, whofe falfe philofophy is well known to have corrupted the principles of King Charles the Second, and that great finner and penitent the Earl of Rochester, as well as many others of the young nobility of that thoughtless and diffipated reign. Mr. Hobbes how ever had been heard to fay, that if his own philofophy was not true, he knew of nons shat he should fooner like than Doctor Henry More's of Cambridge. How mast the Prince of Darkness have blended his intellectual eyes, not to have feen, in fo long a ife, that his philofophy of material fm (now unhappily reviving amongst us) led to the Chambers of death, and eternal mifery; while the pious and learned Doctor More's opened Heaven in the foul here upon Earth, and filled it with joy unspeakable and full of Glory! of which indeed the Doctor was himself an illuftrious proof. For just before his departure out of this mortal life, he exultingly broke forth into expreffions of this fort, I am full of Divine Joy, O most bieffed day! when shall I come to that company of divine fouls above, and depart from this fink and rout below! how unlike this to the exit of poor Hobbes, who was always afraid of being left alone in the dark. O let me then philofophife with Doctor More, that I may die the death of the righteous, and that my laft end may be like bis E

« AnteriorContinuar »