trample upon the poor, pack juries, bribe sheriffs, and throw glass bottles at Lord Lieutenants; in which case nobody on this side of the water will justify their conduct. Captain Rock, and his biographer, overlook these distinctions; but happily it is understood by his Majesty's Ministers, and on the steadiness with which it is kept in sight, the success of their Irish administration will depend. A Cabinet which contains some zealous supporters of the Catholic claims, is probably better calculated for the difficult task of impartiality, than if it felt no fear except for the Protestant Church, A Cabinet, whose attachment to the Protestant Church is unquestionable, may succeed in softening, and ultimately removing those prejudices which the Orangemen of Ireland would never surrender upon compulsion. The reform recommended by Dr, Doyle, and his panegyrist Captain Rock, would either cause the rich and poor to change places, and Protestant landlords and clergymen make way for Roman Catholic successors, or it would lead to a civil war, in which England would be compelled to throw herself into the lighter scale. The reform, which has not been announced or recommended, but is silently carrying into practice by Government, will convince the Irish that there are purer pleasures than tyrannizing over a peasant, or cutting a landlord's throat; will convince the advocate of Catholic claims that he may shower down blessings into the lap of Papists, without irritating, endangering, or alienating the Protestants; will convince the staunchest friends to the Church of England and Ireland, that to remove real grievances is the shortest method of preventing clamour respecting those that are imaginary, and that to grant a full enjoyment of privileges already conceded, is the only effectual method of resisting farther concession. What is termed a divided Cabinet, is adapted to such purposes as these. And in the confident hope that such purposes may be effected, we pray for the continuance of the present government in Ireland.

The Reflections on the Lieutenancy of the Marquess Wellesley" do not precisely avow the sentiments which we have expressed, but they lead to something very like them.

"I admit that mighty promises accompanied the arrival of Lord Wellesley. What might not be expected? What was he not to do? The fortunam Priami cantabo was but tame, compared to the exordium of his scarce yet Excellency's administration. The sword which our Sovereign had committed to his hand seemed to be mistaken, by many, for harlequin's magic blade; which, in the twinkling of an eye, was to change the entire of the Irish scene. I heard all this, and thought it exceedingly absurd. But perhaps it was

less unmeaning, than insidious. Those who feared that a benign spirit of impartiality and conciliation, a steady course of temperate and practical reform, might mar the schemes, and even detach the partisans of revolution, were averse from the establishment of a government of this description. Nor were those less inimical, on the other hand, who desired that faction should continue to domi❤ neer; and that, standing on long prescription, inveterate abuse should keep its ground, and sturdily resist the first approaches of correction. Of the one, and of the other of these parties, it was the game, to circulate expectations which could never be realized; in order to stigmatize as failure what must speedily ensue, and bring discredit on that system of gradual improvement, which was equally unpropitious to the views of both.

"Accordingly, by one author, we were reminded, about twelve months ago, that Lord Wellesley's appointment was hailed by the general applause of the Empire.' What was this statement intended to accomplish? By translating it into Latin, we may perhaps detect its meaning.

Quid dignum tanto feret hic promissor hiatu?

It was meant to sow, in extravagant hope, the seed of silly disappointment. Reflections, p. 1.

There is much more to the same purpose, and if Harg. O'Brien, as this writer stiles himself, inclines too much to the Catholic cause, he supports it upon all occasions with talent and temper. The Tithe-bill, the Constables bill, and the other measures of Lord Wellesley's administration are defended with great spirit, and their immediate results are thus stated.

"I believe the situation of the country, at the period of Lord Wellesley's arrival, to have been frightful; and that the more the matter is investigated, the more fully will those who search it concur in this opinion. His efforts I take to have been prompt, judicious, laborious, unremitted. I believe he has obtained, in their success, the just reward of his exertions; and that this success has at the least been as complete as the nature of the case warranted any reasonable man in expecting. Without being too sanguine, I believe we might indulge a hope (I apprehend that persons competent to form a judgment have indulged it) that tranquillity will, at no distant period, be restored.

"Within the last eight months, in the counties of Limerick and Clare, I believe there have not been more than about seventy convictions; and that above twenty of the cases were held entitled to a pardon. Of the above seventy, nearly half the number was composed of two knots of culprits, tried for but two offences. Thus the number of convicts would be but a fallacious criterion of the extent of crime; and we may view the case as one, in which sub

stantially there were about forty convictions, and in which not more than about twenty were held fit objects for transportation.

"Again, the transgression, of which these two small bands (making between them about thirty persons) were accused, was of a nature less involving criminality on their part, than giving occasion for asserting a salutary principle; and establishing a preven. tive example, in terrorem.

"Their offence was assembling at the wake of one who was not a relation; and it was felt that these meetings were within the spirit, as well as letter of the statute; which such assemblies, if connived at, might at once violate and evade.

"The number of the persons tried in those eight months was considerable. It somewhat exceeded three hundred.

"But on this it is to be observed, that the quantity of offence is to be measured, not by the number of the trials, but by that of the convictions; or perhaps of the still smaller class of cases, in which it has been found right that the law should take its course.

"The number of the trials demonstrates something widely differ ent, viz. on the one hand the laudable vigilance and activity of the police; on the other hand, the inadvertency, ignorance, or want of caution, under which innocent persons have neglected the warning given by the proclamation; or been betrayed into other transgres sions of a novel and coercive statute, which subjects to the risk of punishment, acts which are not mala in se.

"It seems pertinent here to add, that some of the cases tried were of an amphibious nature; viz. tumultuous assemblages by day transactions bordering upon ordinary riot; and which though very wisely and justly brought, under their circumstances, within the act, are far from furnishing the same evidence of insurrectionary spirit, which occurrences of a more unequivocal character would supply.

Even the newspapers are authority, on which we may pronounce that disturbance is in the wane. For if atrocities were still perpetrating, we should find them noticed there; and as to the quantity (independently of the quality) of offence, I believe a comparison of the convictions, within correspondent periods of 1822 and 1823, (if entered on, subject to the explanation which I have given,) would lead to the conclusion that disturbance is decreasing."-Reflections, P. 101.

The Observations of S. N. and the second letter of Declan are in some measure to be considered as answers to Dr.

Doyle, and as a general vindication of the Established Church. In the former capacity they most completely effect their purpose, and having placed the striking controversialist, as Captain Rock calls him, pretty much hors de combat, they proceed to consider the objections of less bigotted adversaries..

S. N. has previously shewn that Tithes are not the

principal or primary cause of Irish disturbances. He now proves that those who exclaimed against them most loudly, are the last to avail themselves of the provisions of the Composition Bill.

"The conduct of the Clergy with respect to the two bills which have successively passed, the one for leasing their tithes for a term of years, and the other for compounding for them, has been in perfect conformity to the principles here laid down.-Their effort to give effect to the first was general, perhaps I might say universal, at least it was so in Munster. It has not even been pretended that the terms upon which they offered to agree were unreasonable, nor will any be so hardy as to deny that the ill success of that bill is to be imputed to the laity. The tithe composition bill of the last year afforded to the Clergy another opportunity of showing by what spirit they were actuated. As soon as it had passed, they in every quarter came forward to offer to their parishioners the choice of adopting it, though its provisions were such, that they ran the risk, with great probability against them, of being reduced in three years to two-thirds of the income which in the preceding seven they had received; for such was the proportion which the average price of corn bore in the autumn of 1823, compared with the rate at which it was to be valued against them by the commissioners under the bill.

"The bill had originally been compulsory. They deemed their property and that of the Church to be attacked, and they resolutely united in opposition to it. The compulsory clause was dropped, and they not only, relinquished their opposition, but came forward promptly to give effect to the bill. Nor let it be said that in doing so, they were influenced by interest. If the tithe owner's interest was promoted by the composition, how has it happened that so few of the lay impropriators have taken advantage of its provisions? If us a reply, it be asked, how can the opposition which the Clergy have met with, in their attempts to carry the composition into effect, be accounted for, except by supposing it to bear hard upon their parishioners? the answer is not difficult: the special vestries were composed, for the greater part, of the class of men whose payment for tithes would be augmented, while those who would have been rated at lower sums than they formerly paid, were excluded from them; and to this is to be added the influence of a report which was industriously circulated, that tithes were to be entirely abolished."-Miscellaneous Observations, &c. p. 18.

"The mode of payment is next brought into view, and it is observed, that the valuator is an annoyance perhaps of annual recur

rence.

"Certainly the making bargains annually is an annoyance, but it is not necessarily connected with the tithe system. The clergyman could always have leased his tithes during incumbency, and it is his interest so to do, if secured in the payment a fair valuation,

which the landlords can in all cases easily arrange. The Leasing Bill enables the clergyman to set a twenty-one years' lease. Why has it not been acted upon? I lived in Munster when that act was passed, and I know that the Clergy proposed, very generally, to give leases under it, but their proposals were not accepted, though they would have been content with very moderate terms indeed. When men make an objection, and yet refuse to co-operate in removing it, they show that it had only been a pretence to conceal a project which they did not wish to avow. The general failure of the Tithe Leasing Bill-the very limited success of the Commutation Bill in those parts of Ireland where the clamour against tithes was greatest, must prove that the object of those who declaimed most vehemently against proctors and tithe viewers, and the oppression of the poor by tithes, was, in reality, to wrest from the Clergy their property, not to change the mode of levying it.”— Miscellaneous Observations, &c. P. 24.

We are sorry to find from these pamphlets that Mr. Abercrombie, the Duke of Devonshire's principal Agent, is suspected of being hostile to the provisions of the Composition Bill. His Grace advocated the general with zeal, and did not object to the details of the plan. The generality of Irish landholders resident in this country, express their approbation of that part of the measure which charges them with the agistment tithe. We hope there is no intention to confine their approbation to this side of the channel, and allow their agents to counteract a scheme which they assume no trifling credit for supporting. Why does not Mr. Hume move for a return of the number of lay-impropriators who have compounded tithes under the Act of last Session?

Declan's Second Letter will maintain and increase the high character which he obtained by his first. The Church of Ireland may be assaulted on every side; but she can never be destroyed if she has many such defenders as this: and we believe that the number of them has increased, and is increasing, and runs no immediate risk of being diminished. There is a spirit of candour and decent boldness in the opening passage which runs through the whole pamphlet.

"When it was declared by Lord Liverpool, that the affairs of the Church of Ireland were a fit subject for inquiry, the declaration was received by some with much triumph, by others with much alarm. I never could discover a just foundation for either. Every thing in Ireland is a fit subject for inquiry. After having lain for ages, formless and void, in a chaos of civil war-after having sojourned, for more than another century, in the darkness and disorder of a colonial government-Ireland has just emerged into the light of the British system. Little is yet known of its peculiar circumstances; and, of that little, the greater part is anomalous.