Sieyes, Cabanis, Garran Coulon, Lecouteul, Canteleu, Lenoin Laroche, Volney, Gregoire, Emmery, Joucourt, Boissy d'Anglas, Fouche, and Roederer, form another class. Some of them regicides, others assassins and plunderers, but all intriguers, whose machinations date from the beginning of the revolution. They are all men of parts, of more or less knowledge, and of great presumption. As to their morality, it is on a level with their religion and loyalty. They betrayed their king, and had denied their God already in 1789.

After these come some others, who again have neither talents to boast of, nor crimes of which they have to be ashamed. They have but little pretension to genius, none to consistency, and their honesty equals their capacity. They joined our political revolution, as they might have done a religious procession. It was at that time a fashion; and they applauded our revolutionary innovation, as they would have done the introduction of a new opera, of a new tragedy, of a new comedy, or of a new farce. To this fraternity appertain a ci-devant Count de-Stult-Tracy, Dubois, Dubay, Kellerman, Lambrechts, Lemercier, Pleville, Le Pelley, Clement de Ris, Peregeaux, Berthelemy, Vaubois, Perignon, d'Agier, Abrial, de Belloy, Delannoy, Aboville, and St. Martin La Motte.

Such are the characteristics of men, whose senatus consultum bestows an Emperor on France, a king on Italy, makes of principalities departments of a republic, and transforms republics into provinces or principalities. To show the absurdly fickle, and ridiculously absurd appellations of our shamefully perverted institutions, this senate was called the Conservative Senate; that is to say, it was to preserve the republican consular constitution in its integrity, both against the encroachments of the executive and legislative power, both against the manœuvres of the factious, the plots of royalists or monarchists, and the clamours of a populace of levellers. But during the five years that these honest wiseacres have been preserving, every thing has perished-therepublic, the consuls, free discussions, free elections, the political liberty, and the liberty of the press-all-all are found no where, but in old, useless, and rejected codes. They have, however, in a truly patriotic manner, taken care of their own dear selves, Their salaries are more than doubled since 1799.

Besides mock senators, mock prætors, mock questors, other nomina libertatis are revived, so as to make the loss of the reality so much the more galling. We have also two curious commissions; one called "the Senatorial Commission of Personal Liberty," and the other "the Senatorial Commission of the Liberty of the Press. The imprisonment without cause, and transportation without trial, of thousands of persons of both sexes, weekly, show the grand advantages which arise from the former of these commissions; and the contents of our new books, and daily prints, evince the utility and liberality of the latter.

But from the past conduct of these our senators, members of these commissions, one may easily conclude what is to be expected in future from their justice and patriotism. Lenoin Laroche, at the head of the one, was formerly an advocate of some practice, but attended more to politics than to the business of his clients, and was, therefore, at the end of the session of the first assembly, of which he was amember, forced, for subsistence, to become the editor of an insignificant journal. Here he preached licentiousness under the name of liberty, and the Agrarian law in recommending equality. A prudent courtier of all systems in fashion, and of all factions in power, he escaped proscription, though not accusation of having shared in the national robberies. A short time, in the summer of 1797, after the dismissal of Cochon, he acted as a minister of police, and in 1798 the jacobins elected him a member of the Council of Ancients, where he, with other deputies, sold himself to Buonaparte, and was in return rewarded with a place in the senate. Under monarchy, he was a republican, and under a republic, he extolled monarchical institutions. He wished to be singular, and to be rich. Among so many shocking originals, however, he was not distinguished; and among so many philosophical marauders, he had no opportunity to pillage above two millions of livres (84,000l.) This friend of liberty is now one of the most despotic senators; and this lover of equality never answers when spoken to, if not addressed as his Excellency,' or Monseigneur.'

Boissy d'Anglas, another member of this commission, was, before the revolution, a steward to Louis XVIII. when Monsieur; and, in 1789, was chosen a deputy of the first assembly, where he joined the factious, and in his speeches and writings

defended all the enormities that dishonoured the beginning as well as the end of the revolution. A member afterwards of the National Convention, he was sent in mission to Lyons, where, instead of healing the wounds of the inhabitants, he inflicted new ones. When, in March 15th, 1796, in the Council of Five Hundred, he pronounced the oath of hatred to royalty, he added, that this oath was in his heart, otherwise no power upon earth could have forced him to take it; aud he is now a sworn subject of Napoleone the First! He pronounced the panegyric of Robespierre, and the apotheosis of Marat. "The soul," said he," was moved and elevated, in hearing Robespierre speak of the Supreme Being with philosophical ideas, embellished by eloquence ;" and he signed the removal of the ashes of Marat to the temple consecrated to humanity!-In September, 1797, he was, as a royalist, condemned to transportation by the Directory; but, in 1799, Buonaparte recalled him, made him first a tribune, and afterwards a senator.

Boissy d'Anglas, though an apologist of robbers and assassins, has neither murdered nor plundered: but, though he has not enriched himself, he has assisted in ruining all his former protectors, benefactors, and friends.

ces.

Sers, a third member of this commission, was, before the revolution, a bankrupt merchant at Bordeaux, but in 1791, a municipal officer of the same city, and sent as a deputy to the National Assembly, where he attempted to rise from the clouds that encompassed his heavy genius, by a motion for pulling down all statues of kings throughout France. He seconded another motion of Buonaparte's prefect, Jean Debrie, to decree a corps of tyrannicides, destined to murder all emperors, kings, and prinAt the club of the jacobins at Bordeaux he prided himself on having caused the arrest and death of three hundred aristocrats; and boasted that he never went out without a dagger, to dispatch, by a summary justice, those who had escaped the laws. After meeting with well-merited contempt, and living for some time in the greatest obscurity, by a handsome present to Madame Buonaparte, in 1799, he obtained the favour of Napoleone, who dragged him forward to be placed among other ornaments of his senate. Sers has just cunning enough to be taken for a man of sense, when with fools; when with men of

sense, he reassumes the place allotted him by nature. Without education, as well as without parts, he for a long time confounded brutal scurrility with oratory, and thought himself eloquent, when he was only insolent or impertinent. His ideas of liberty are such, that, when a municipal officer, he signed a mandate of arrest against sixty-four individuals of both sexes, who where at a ball, because they had refused to invite to it one of his nieces. Abrial, Emmery, Vernier, and Lemercier, are the other four members of that commission; of these, two are old intriguers, two are nullities, and all four are slaves.

ness.-.

Of the seven members of the senatorial commission, for preserving the liberty of the press, Garat and Roederer are the principal. The former is a pedant, while pretending to be a philosopher and he signed the sentence of his good king's death, while declaring himself a royalist. A mere valet to Robespierre, his fawning procured him opportunities to enrich himself with the spoil of those whom his calumnies and plots caused to be massacred or guillotined. When, as a minister of justice, he informed Louis XVI. of his condemnation, he did it with such an affected and atrocious indifference, that he even shocked his accomplices, whose nature had not much of tender-As a member of the first assembly, as a minister under the convention, and as a deputy of the council of Five Hundred, he always opposed the liberty of the press. "The laws, you say, (exclaimed he in the council) punish libellers; so they do thieves and house-breakers; but would you, therefore, leave your doors unbolted? Is not the character, the honour, and the tranquillity of a citizen, preferable to his treasures? and, by the liberty of the press, you leave them at the inercy of every scribbler who can write or think. The wound inflicted may heal, but the scar will always remain. Were you, therefore, determined to decree the motion for this dangerous and impolitic liberty, I make this amendment, that conviction of having written a libel carries with it capital punishment, and that a label be fastened on the breast of the libeller, when carried to execution, with this inscription, a social murderer, or a murderer of characters !”

Ræderer has belonged to all religious or anti-religious sects, and to all political or anti-social factions, these last twenty years; but after approving, applauding and serving them, he has deserted them,

sold them, or betrayed them. Before the revolution, a counsellor of parliament at Metz, he was a spy of the court on his colleagues; and since the revolution he served the jacobins as a spy on the court. Immoral, and unprincipled to the highest degree, his profligacy and duplicity are only equalled by his perversity and cruelty. It was he who, on the 10th August, 1792, betrayed the king and the royal family into the hands of their assassins, and who himself made a merit of this infamous act. After being repulsed by all, even by the most sanguinary of our parties and partisans, by a Brissot, a Marat, a Robespierre, a Tallien, and a Barras, Buonaparte adopted him first as a counsellor of state, and afterwards as a senator. His own and only daughter died in a miscarriage, the consequence of an incestuous commerce with her unnatural parent; and his only son is disinherited by him for resenting his father's baseness, in debauching a young girl whom the son had engaged to marry.

With the usual consistency of my revolutionary countrymen, he has, at one period, asserted that the liberty of the press was necessary, for the preservation both of men and things, for the protection of governors, as well as of the governed, and that it was the best support of a constitutional government. At another time he wrote, that, as it was impossible to fix the limits between the liberty and the licentiousness of the press, the latter destroyed the benefits of the former; that the liberty of the press was only useful against a government which one wished to overturn, but dangerous to a government which one wished to preTo show his indifference about his own character, as well as about the opinion of the public, these opposite declarations were inserted in one of our daily papers, and both were signed "Reederer."

serve.

In 1779, he was indebted above one million, two hundred thousand livres (50,000/.) and he now possesses national property, purchased for seven millions of livres (292,0007.) and he avows himself to be worth three millions more, in money, placed in our public funds. He often says, laughingly, that he is under great obligations to Robespierre, whose guillotine acquitted, in one day, all his debts. All his creditors, after being denounced for their aristocracy, were all murdered en masse by this instru ment of death.