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thing in them florid or rhetorical. The matter is often incoherent, owing perhaps to the unavoidable accidents which might interrupt the attention of the perfon who collected them: the ftile likewise is in general inelegant and incorrect: and thefe circumstances may lead us to conclude in favour of their authenticity, though, had the editor taken greater liberties with the original, he might, without prejudice to the fubject, have added to our entertain

ment.

The period which thefe debates comprize, is not perhaps the most interesting of any in the English hiftory; but we neverthelefs meet with fome curious particulars, which are diftinguishable amidst a heap of infignificant frivolous debates, which only ferve to fwell the bulk of the volumes.

The first paffage obfervable in them, is the king's fpeech on the meeting of the parliament in the year 1620, which will be the more acceptable to our Readers, as it is not, we are told, elfewhere in print.

"In multiloquio non deeft peccatum, faith the wifeft man that ever was, and the experience thereof I have found in mine own perfon for it is true, there have been many feffions of parliament before this, wherein I have made many difcourfes to the gentlemen of the lower house, and in them delivered a true mirror of my heart: but, as no man's actions, be they never fo good, can be free from cenfure in regard of perfection; fo it may be, it pleased God, fecing fome vanity in me, to fend my words as fpittle in my own face; fo that I may truly fay, I have often piped unto you, but you would not dance, I have often mourned, but you have not lamented. But now I put on this refolution for the few days that are left unto me in this world; wherein I have I know not how far offended God: and, if it pleafe you, efpecially of the lower houfe, to apply this rule unto yourselves, you may find the more fruit.

"Now to the errand whereunto you are called hither. For the entrance thereunto the more eafily, I will begin with the general condition of a parliament, and not to inftruct you (when I fuppofe I fpeak not to ignorants) but to refresh your memories. And firit, what a parliament is. It is an affembly composed of a head and body, which are called in all monarchies a parliament; which was ufed and created firft by monarchs, for kings were before parliaments; who, fo foon as they had fettled a form of government, and were willing that they should be governed by laws, called to their parliaments fome more, fome lefs in number. But I leave them: this I only would have you obferve, that it is a vain thing for a parliament man to press to be popular. There is in no citate a parliament without a monarchy: the Grizons, Switzers, and Low Countries, who are governed without a king, have no parliaments, but councils.

This

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This I put you in mind of, that you ferve under a monarch; and that we muft ftand or fall with it.

"Now confider firft, who calls you? your king. Secondly, whom he calls? the peers; who, in refpect of the eminency of their places and highnefs, have an intereft therein by birth and inheritance, because they are to affift the king in greatest affairs next the church; the clergy, not all, but the principal heads thereof, the bishops; whofe holiness of life doth claim a privilege of advice, and fome of them in respect of their baronies: alfo the knights ftand for their fhires, and the other gentlemen of the boroughs. Of these is the whole body complete. Thirdly, why you are called? To the end to advise in errands as he fhall afk of you, or you fhall think fit to ask his advice in. The king makes laws; and ye are to advise him to make fuch as may be beft for the good of the commonwealth. There is another caufe, why the houfe of commons is called for that they beft know the particular eftate of their country; and, if the king fhould afk their advice, they beft can tell what is moft amifs, as being fenfible thereof, and know beft how to petition him to redrefs and amend the fame. They are the authors of fuftenance alfo to him to fupply his neceffities, and that is the proper use of a parliament: here they are to offer what they think fit to supply his wants; and he, in lieu thereof, to afford them mercy and juftice. And this I am bold to say, and am not ashamed to fpeak it, that all people owe a kind of tribute to their kings, by way of thankfulness to him for his love to them and, where this fympathy is between the king and the people, it breeds a happy parliament. And thus much for the general condition and special use of parliaments in this king

dom.

"Now I come to the particular caufes, which moved me to call this parliament.

"Now the main errand (to fpeak truly) why I call you, is for a fupply of my urgent neceffities in urgent caufes. You can all bear me witnefs, that I have reigned eighteen years amongst you. If it be a fault in me, that you have been at peace all this while, I pray you pardon it; for I took it for an honour unto me, that you thould live quietly under your vines and fig-trees, reaping the fruits of your own labours, and myself to be a juft and merciful king amongft you: you have not been troubled with the prefling of men, nor with a thousand inconveniences which the difafters of wars produce; yet in thefe eighteen years have I had lefs fupplies than any king before me.

"The late queen of famous memory was fo far fupplied in her time, as it grew to an annual contribution, which by computation came to 135,000 pounds a-year at leaft: I never had above four fubfidies and fix fifteenths. I challenge no more of

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defert than the; but fure I am, I have governed you as peaceably the time fince any fupply hath been, as women with child, quæ decem tulerint faftidia menfes, who after ten months longing are delivered of their burden: but I have travailed ten years, and therefore now full time to come to be delivered of my wants. I have been ever willing to spare till now.

"The next caufe of your calling hither, is for an urgent neceffity, the miferable and torn ftate of Chrifiendom; which none, that hath an honeft heart, can look upon without a weeping eye. I was not the caule of the beginning thereof, God he knowcth; but I pray God, I may be the inftrument of a happy ending. I mean the wars in Bohemia, wherein the ftates expelled their em; eror, and chofe my fon-in-law for their king. I was requested at the firth on both fides to make an agreement between them; which coft me thirty thousand pounds in fending Doncafter in ambaffage for that purpofe. In the mean time they caft off all allegiance and chofe my fon; who fent unto me to know, whether he fhould take upon him the crown or not: and yet within three days after, before I could return my anfwer, he took the crown upon his head and then I was loth to meddle with it at all for three reafons. First, for that I would not ake religion the caufe of depofing kings: I leave that to the Jefuits, who maintain the fame. Next I was no fit judge between them; for they might afterwards fay to me, as the Jews faid to Mofes, who hath made thee a judge? And I myfelf would not be content they fhould judge, whether I were a king or not. Laftly, becaufe I had been a medler between them; and then to determine, my fon fhould take the crown on him, had been improper and yet I left not off fo; for nature compelled me to admit his good, and therefore I permitted a vo luntary contribution to preferve the Palatinate, which came unto a great fum."

If it is in the power of language to equal this abfurd, bombaft and pedantic fpeech, it must be the following one, which was delivered immediately after by the chancellor:

May it pleafe your majetty, I am ftruck with admiration in refpect of your profound difcourfes, with reverence to your royal precepts, and contentment in a number of gracious paffages, which have fallen from your majefty, in your speech. It is a faying of Solomon fomewhat dark, but apt, That the words of the wife are like nails and pins fafiened by the master of the building in the midst of afemblies: fo, in regard of the reverence of your majefly's words, they are like nails that flrike through and through; fit into the memory, then into the hearts of the hearers, which is the beft way to imprint them into their minds. For myself, I hold it as great commendations in a chancellor to be filet, when fuch a king is by, who can fo well deliver the

oracles

oracles of his mind, as for me to fpeak. Only, Sir, give me leave to give my advice to the upper and lower house briefly in two words-Nofce teipfum. I would have the parliament know itself; firft, in a modeft carriage to fo gracious a fovereign; fecondly, in valuing themfelves thus far, as to know, now it is in them by their careful dealing to procure an infinite good to' themselves in fubftance and reputation, at home and abroad."

What a defpicable idea of the great Bacon does this fullome proffitute adulation prefent to us! But how much meaner ftill does he appear, when we confider his bafe corruption, of which the following particulars are recorded in thefe debates:

• Mr. Chriftopher Abry prefenteth a petition unto the house, which is read openly, himtelf landing by; whereby he expreffeth, that he was dimified out of the chin ery in a caufe between him and Sir William Bruncker on bill and antwer: af.or which the petitioner had a judgment in the exchequer, the now lord chancellor, then attorney, being then of council with Sir William Bruncker :-that he hath been much oppreffed by the delays of his adverfary fince that in the chancery, and after [....] orders, and [....] decrees, he was perfuaded by his council (whereof Sir George Haftings and one Jenkins of Grays Inn were two) to give one hundred pounds to th: lord chancellor that now is, which he did, by the hands of Sir G. Haftings; and yet could get no juft proceedings, having pent in the luit near two thoufand pounds.

Sir George Haftings denieth abfolut ly, that he ever advifed Mr. Abry to give the lord chancellor one hundred pounds;' but faith, it is true that he gave to the now lord chancellor a box, he knows not what was in it; and that, when he gave it to the lord chancellor, he told his lordship that Mr. Abry had been to him a bountiful client, and therefore he thought it his duty to exprefs his thinkfulness to his lordship, befeeching his lordship to do the poor man juftice without delay; and that his lordfhip took it, faying, it was too much.

Mr. Edward Egerton prefenteth likewife a petition unto the houfe, which is alfo read openly, himself standing by. Sheweth, that he gave to the now lord chancellor, then lord keeper, in plate, fifty-two pounds, ten fillings; and that, by the hands of Sir Richard Young, Sir George Haftings being then with Sig Richard, he prefented alfo four hundred pounds in a purfe or bag and that Sir Richard Yourg told him he had delivered it to the Lord chancellor, who returned thanks to this petitioner, and faid, that he had not only enriched him, but laid a tie on him to him to do him juftice in all his rightful causes.

That one Sharpey (fometime feward to the lord chancellor) told your petitioner, that if he would give one thousand pounds more to the now lord chancellor, and one hundred pounds to

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him, that then he should have a decree for all the lands in fuit between him and Sir Rowland Egerton.-He said further, that the four hundred pounds was given by Sir Richard Young and Sir George Haftings fhortly after the ford chancellor was made ford keeper, but the plate he delivered a little before with his

own hands.

Sir Richard Young. That the lord chancellor was of this gentleman's council, when he was folicitor and attorney general: that himself and Sir George Haftings did, at Mr. Egerton's entreaty, deliver a purfe of money to the now lord chancellor, he then being bufy at his chamber at Whitehall, fo that Mr. Egerton would not come to his lordship to deliver the money himself :that, when they first offered it to his lordship, he gave a step back, making fome doubt whether he might take it or no, yet took it, faying it was true, he did Mr. Egerton the best service he could, when he was of his council, and therefore would take it.

Mr. Egerton being examined, faith, that when this money was given he had two or three fuits depending in the ftar-chamber-that this money was given to the lord chancellor, prefently upon the king's going into Scotland.-He faid further, that he acknowledged a recognizance of ten thousand pounds to Doctor Field, now Bishop of Llandaff, and one Randal Damport, or Davingport, with a condition, that if this exami-· nant, by the mediation of the faid bifhop, or Damport, or of any other by their means, fhould recover the lands in fuit in the chancery between this examinant and Sir Rowland Egerton; then were the faid Doctor Field, and the faid Damport to have fix thousand pounds of this examinant, to be levied out of the lands which this examinant fhould fo recover if he did not recover, then the recognizances to be void. The condition, or defeazance, in nature of a condition, was read in the house, and it was to fuch effect.

This condition is confirmed by two letters (fhewed in the houfe) written from the faid bifhop, in one of which he promifed (in verbo facerdotis) that, if the faid Mr. Egerton had not a good fuccefs in his fuit, that then he would redeliver him his recognizance again.

Mr. Egerton, being examined, faith, that Mr. Johnson, the lord chancellor's gentleman usher, fent to him to come to bim this morning; when he told this examinant, that, if he would withdraw his petition, he fhould in the afternoon go to the lord chancellor, and fhould have the money he had given reftored to him (if he had delivered any) and good fatisfaction.

Mr. Johnfon faith, that he fent not for Mr. Egerton, but he coming in the morning to speak with him, he wished him to be advifed, for he understood he had exhibited to the parliament

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