great perfonages alluded to, have avowed the doctrine here imputed to them, is not for us to determine. We can fcarce believe that they have been fo wicked and fo weak. We would rather hope that this Writer has been mistaken, or misinformed for furely had they promulged fach principles, had they openly argued in favour of a difpenfing power, they had not been left to the chaflifement of this Writer: but their words would have been taken down, and they would have been called upon to justify them in the face of a higher tribunal.

This Writer, however, taking it for granted fuch a doârine has been advanced, very thortly difcuffes the general queftion, whether the crown is invested by the conftitution with a power of difpenfing with the law of the land; and having endeavoured to fhew that fuch a power has, in the intance in quetion, been exercifed by the crown, he proceeds to prove that the neceflity which is urged to excufe it, was a neceflity of the minifter's own creating Having difcuffed these points, he fums up the whole in the following fhort recapitulation:

The minifters more agreeably employed in the lavish distribution of honours, places, penfions, grants and compenfations, fuffered not the cry of the poor to reach their intoxicated profperity. They flighted and neglected the advertisements of a calamity in which not policy alone, but humanity itself was interefted. When the oppreffion of the poor found its way at lalt to their confideration, they applied the remedy of the first proclamation, which could operate no otherwife than it did now, and had done formerly, to increafe that oppreffion of the poor, whilft in the fame Gazette they deprived the king of the advice of his parlia ment upon this emergency, by a long prorogation to the 11th of November. Having thus put it out of their power to give to the people any conftitutional redrefs, they found themfelves obliged, in the face of the bill of rights, to difpenfe with and fufpend an act of parliament by royal authority, laying an embargo upon fhips, which however, for fear it should be in fome degree effectual to its purpofe when the law was violated, instead of following the mode of acts of parliament, confined itfelf to wheat alone, and wheat flour; which blunder, I have a right to fay, cannot but have confiderably increafed the fcarcity. Parliament however meets at laft; the eyes of the kingdom are upon that meeting; they take this arbitrary at under their confideration; and what! instead of acknowledging the illegality, and applying to parliament for indemnity upon the circumftances, the high arbitrary doctrine of a difpenfing power in the crown, under the fpecious pretence of ftate neceflity, is again propagated in open day-light. The great principle upon which the revolution ftands is again brought into question, and the free conflitution of this country fhaken to its very foundations.' Art. 32. The Causes of the Dearness of Provifions affigned; with effectual Athods for reducing the Prices of them. "Humbly fubriitted to the Confideration of Parliament. 8vo. Is. 6d. Glocefter printed, and fold by Dodley, &c. in London. We have already intimated, in a preceding article, the importance of the corn-trade; and what a delicate talk it is to regulate the concerns of it. The high price of provifions is a fact fo notorious, that every one, however fituated, muft in fome measure be affected by it. The remedy, if the grievance be remediable, is a general concern; and every one who attempts to difcover the caufe of this national and growing 3. evil,

evil, deferves well of his country; and is entitled to our cardid and grateful attention to what he offers. It is not incumbent on us, as Reviewers of literary productions, to difcufs this fubject ourive, farther than general obfervations on the validity of what is urged on to im yertant a point, may unavoidably lead us. Thus much, however, may be remarked; that if, in a fubject of fo complicated a nature, the cal cause of the evil may be fo remote from common view, as not to be genenerally adverted to; yet inquiries that may not reach the primary caufe, may nevertheless ferve to the detection and reformation of many grievances of a fubordinate nature: and thus fo far from being useless, may answer very effential purposes.

This gentleman afligns four caufes for the dearnefs of provifions, which have often been urged on this fubject. There are,-the unequal divifions of farms the bounty on the exportation of corn-the fearcity of cattle; and laftly, the burden of the taxes failing chiefly on the poor.

The bad confequences of monopolizing farms, are too evident, to admit of being controverted; unless any one wil undertake to prove, that the prefent commercial fyftem can be confiftent with a return to the old feudal conftitution: and that it is better for the bulk of the people to become needy dependents, retained in the fervice of a few arbitrary rapacious landholders; than in the capacity of independent farmers, to till fmall portions of land for their own immediate emolument-Not to dwell on the tyrannic advantages which large farmers obtain over fmall farmers; we must allow, with our Author, that fmall farms are better and more advantageoufly managed, than great ones. It is not to be fuppofed that a man who occupies five hundred acres, can infpect and manage every part, as well as a perfon who has not one hundred. Larger extents of land, will ever be fubject to greater trefpaffes, damages and wafte. Large quantities cannot be manured fo well as fmaller the product confequently must be proportionably lefs.'

That the burden of the taxes fall upon the poor, is fufficiently known, and the inftance of the duty on malt liquors fold in publichoufes, which is faved by families who can brew their own drink, is fufficiently in point: and if the produce of the duty on falt, should be as our Author ftates it, that alone were a fufficient reafon to take it off; which is much strengthened by its ufe in agriculture, if the price would permit it to be applied to that purpofe. But when he talks ferioufly of tranflating the duties from the neceffaries of life, to articles of luxury, he does not furely confider our prefent circumitances; what a fecurity the established mode of taxation is, for raifing the required fupplies; and what a frail dependance under a beavy a DEBT, could be placed on the produce of impofts which would have a direct tendency to diminish the income from them!

The propriety of giving a bounty for the exportation of corn has been of late much controverted; but if it is generally admitted, as it is by our Author, that it might have a good effect when farming was but ill understood; and that it was probably the means of exciting the farmer's industry to try experiments and make improvements in agricul ture; and to cultivate greater quantities of corn: this is certainly allowing a great deal in favour of a meafure which is nevertheless at the fame time ftigmatized with being the first great caufe of the excefive dearnefs of provifions.' • By

By draining the kingdom, fays our Author, of this most effential production of the earth, the price of corn is greatly enhanced to our own people, and rendered much cheaper to foreigners. And if foreigners are furnished, by the means of a bounty, with bread, and a variety of liquors, upon cheaper terms than we are, the price of labour among them will be proportionably diminished, and their manufactures fabricated cheaper than ours, in that proportion.'

In deciding upon this point, the exportation of corn with the bounty, fhould not be confounded with the exportation of it to a better market without the bounty. The bounty, as has been hinted, was calculated for the encouragement of agriculture; which end it appears to have anfwered, by fending away the excefs above the home confumption. That it cannot tend to drain the kingdom is evident, because it furnishes its own corrective; by ceafing, when corn rifes above a limited price. Farther, if corn continues to be exported afterward, without the bounty; as it must in this cafe be carried to a better market, foreigners cannot at that time be furnished cheaper than our own inhabitants. Again, though the bounty, by encouraging the exportation, tends to keep the price of corn from falling below the indemnification of the raiser for his labour; yet that it has not operated to enhance the price, to the prejudice of trade, appears from Bp. Fleetwood's tables; which fhew us that, notwithstanding the alteration in the value of money, and notwithstanding the accumulation of taxes; the medium price of corn has been lower fince the granting the bounty, than it was for an equal number of years before. This then fhews, that by multiplying the commodity it has operated for the public advantage; leaving no one any room to complain, unless it fhould be the farmer. But if, as our Author alledges, it is well known that fome of them keep their coaches, have their fide-boards of plate, poft-chaifes, and drink wine and punch inttead of malt-liquor;" if this is the cafe with fubftantial farmers, it does not appear that Such have any right to complain, but rather that if farms were more equally divided, every one might regale his family with malt-liquor, and that not of the worst kind.

Our Author adds in a note, that he has heard the argument against the bounty thus farther urged, "the fum received for exported corn, communibus annis, amounts to two millions fterling, the bounty to a quarter of a million; i. e. confidering the affair in a mercantile view, we pay an intereft of 25 l. per cent. on our return. No trade, at least no European trade can fupport this. The fums in this calculation may pro:bably be mistaken; but the reasoning feems clear and good." Without controverting the calculation, the reafoning cannot be allowed quite fo clear, unless the bounty was paid to foreigners; and fo became a drawback upon our returns for the corn fent abroad: but while the bounty is only paid with one hand to be received by the other, the nation certainly is a gainer, even if the exporter reaped no farther profit than the bounty paid him.

The iniquitous practice of foreftalling markets, and engroffing commodities, ought by all means to be detected and punished: but thefe of-fences can only be of local detriment; fince it is hardly plausible, that sfuch artifices can affect a whole kingdom in articles of general confumption.

If it is true as has been reported, that great quantities of pafture-land have been ploughed up, to turn into corn-land, it will not only corroborate. what is faid above; but in fome measure account for the scarcity of, cattle. But when our Author alledges our eating more animal food than, our ancestors, as one caufe of the dearnefs of meat; the great advancement and extenfion of gardening, beyond what was practiced in the pre-, ceding century, feems to argue rather the contrary: though confidering. how much cheaper cattle are bred in Ireland, he appears perfectly right as to the expediency of opening our ports for the importation of cattle from thence.

To conclude; the Author of this performance does not feem to have urged any thing beyond the common arguments ufually produced on the fubject of the dearnefs of provifions; the merits of which we should not have entered into fo particularly, were it not that feveral pamphlets being before us of the fame nature, it may prevent much repetition. As to the pleas against the bounty for exporting corn, though the legislature has thought fit to continue it for a feries of years, yet we fee that there are feafons wherein it is found expedient to prohibit the fame commodity from being fent abroad.

Art. 33. Political Speculations; or an Attempt to discover the Caufes of the Dearness of Provifions, and high Price of Labour in England. With fome Hints for remedying thefe Evils. 8vo.

Almon.

15.

This writer deduces the objects of his fpeculation from the aggregate influence of a number of caufes, which are, 1. The enormous fize of the metropolis. 2. Monopoly, or foreftalling. 3. Sample markets for grain. 4. Large farms. 5. Ploughing with horfes inftead of oxen. 6. Poft chaifes, and flying ftages. 7. Exportation, and diftillery of grain. 8. Taxes on neceffaries. 9. Tythes. 10. Public funds, increase of money, and rapid fortunes. 11. Decrease of industry among women. 12. The want of a better plan for the militia. 13. The want of proper laws refpecting the poor, vagrants, diforderly perfons, and felons.

It is apparent from this enumeration of the heads, concerning which the author proposes to treat, that they must include a wide compafs of reafoning; in which, fo far as we have feen, he starts fome good hints, and makes many pertinent obfervations; if his affumptions at grofs computations may not fometimes betray him into wrong conclufions. When we had read his 8th fection, wherein he treats of the Taxes on neceffaries; and where he fhews in the inftance of tallow candles, how much more the confumer is charged by the trader, than the net duty laid on the commodity; we were furprized to find ourfelves at the end of the pamphlet, with an abrupt End of the first part. Now as there was no previous intimation given, that the prefent pamphlet did not contain the whole of our author's fpeculations; when we perceived that he had fo flily drawn his readers in for the purchase of another, or perhaps other parts, it was impoffible to avoid thinking of the tallow-chandter.

Art. 34. Reflections on the prefent high Price of Provifioms; and the Complaints and Disturbances arifing therefrom. 8vo. 1 S Kearfley.

1i3

A fenfibi

A fenfible difpaffionate expoftulation with the public, on the continual outcries raised against foreftallers, regrators, &c. by a perfon who complains of having fuffered both in property and reputation, in confequence of the clamours and riots raised on these accounts.

How contradictory to reafon is it, pleads our author, to fuppofe a fcarcity can be brought about by wicked men? yet fuch a notion is not too extravagant to be imbibed by an infinite number of people. It is in vain to talk of reafon, or to urge the impoffibility of it by any human means. Every extraordinary event is attributed to fome caufe or other. The common people have generally prepoffeffed opinions, and a readiness to give an implicit credit to wonders: they refolve all difficulties in the manner they have been taught; no matter whether right or wrong. When their neighbour's cattle happen to die of the murrain or the rot, they often impute the calamity to witchcraft; because they know no better; and are as strongly attached to many prejudices of their forefathers, as if these prejudices were the most pofitive truths.

Although the belief of enchantment does not fo much prevail in this country as formerly, yet it is obfervable the repeal of the act againft witchcraft could not be accomplished till the reign of George 1. Some recent inftances of the common people's zeal against witchcraft, feem to shew, that the repeal of that act, has not removed the prejudices of many ignorant and obftinate bigots among all ranks of people.

The difficulty which occurred to our forefathers in discovering the artifices of the engroffers and foreftallers, is perhaps the reason that in the king's commiffion for the appointment of juftices of the peace, inchantments, forceries, arts magic, foreftallings, regratings, and engroflings, are ranged together, as offences of a fimilar nature; because they were committed by wicked perfons in a manner both amazing and unknown.'

This writer makes many fhrewd remarks on the inconfiftency obfervable in many of our ftatutes relating to articles of trade, and on the caufes upon which the rife of commodities depend; for which our readers must have recourse to the pamphlet. But he is more particularly offended at Sir J. F's charge to the grand jury, concerning foreftallers; which he humouroully contrafts with fome remarks on witches and enchanters, quoted from that Solomon of his age King James 1.' adding, It is to be hoped that the zeal stirred up against Sir J. F's monfter, after the first furprize is over, will be more according to knowledge.'

We fhould not, indeed, be frightened meerly by hard names, nor carry our refentment farther than facts warrant us; and our anonymous appellant certainly merits fome pity on his own reprefentation.

To be treated as a contraband trader, and calumniated, as an enemy to his country, by fome whom he would wish to be his friends; are things which fenfibly affect him; efpecially when his only crime is to carry on a fair trade, as he believes his to be, in his proper and conftant calling, viz. buying by wholefale in the country, an article of common confumption, for the fupply of the city of London.'

Art. 35: