fully aware of all those causes of distress is natural enough;" but that they should be so egregiously deceived as to esteem war beneficial to their interests, certainly evinces the most deplorable degree of ignorance; and to find Christian priests endeavouring to continue and propagate such ignorance, is a most lamentable and shocking consideration.

"It must, therefore, be allowed, that the present times furnish a very striking illustration of the doctrine, that an ignorance of the principal causes of poverty (viz. taxation and tithes) is peculiarly unfavourable, and that a thorough knowledge of them must be peculiarly favourable to the cause of rational liberty.'

Such a knowledge as the following, (particularly as being afforded by an upright and honest magistrate,) is peculiarly favourable to the cause of liberty, and to the support of our principles on the subject of population. -"There are many instances where the labourers have endeavoured to free themselves from the poor rates altogether, and the farmers have prevented their so doing. The poor rates are not nearly so high as one would be led to suppose from the Parliamentary returns; first, because much of the expense returns to the farmers, in the labour which is performed upon their farms; and secondly, because much is expended (for militia expenses, and) upon roads, which does

not justly come under the head of poor rates. I have never known any instance where gravel digging or stone picking was paid for by gentlemen, but it is always paid for by the overseer; again, a great portion of the allowance which the labourers receive, returns to the farmers and land-owners, in the shape of exorbitant rent for cottages. In many instances, the rent they pay is greater than the relief they receive: the rent of cottages being so high, is one of the chief causes of the agricultural labourers being in a worse condition now than they ever were. Before the war, the average rent of cottages, with good gardens, was thirty shillings a year; it is now, in our neigbourhood, Guildford, commonly as high as five, seven, or even ten pounds per annum; and, where cottages are in the hands of farmers, they always prohibit the labourers from keeping a pig, and claim the produce of the apple tree, and of the vine which usually covers the cottage; so that, although if the wages of labour be compared with the price of bread corn, it appears, that the power of the labourer to procure a given quantity of that article has · varied very little; yet there are many other articles of quite as urgent necessity,-such as house, fuel, and clothes, all of which are increased very much in price."

We have no doubt whatever, that Mr. Malthus will, in his next edition, duly remark upon

the

passages which we have put in italics, and demonstrate, that the stated and implied facts are all attributable to the Principle of Population, and the effects of the geometrical ratio.That, while the relative price of labour and of bread has varied very little, bricks, timber, glass, fuel, clothing, &c., have increased very much in price, is entirely owing to the tendency of population to increase faster than the means of subsistence!

CHAPTER VIII.

"PLAN FOR THE GRADUAL ABOLITION OF THE POOR LAWS, PROPOSED."

66

MR. Malthus, having proceeded thus far in the honourable and ingenious undertaking of darkening counsel by words without knowledgenot to say by contradictory assertions, false assumptions, unfounded and unproved statements, forced unwarranted inferences, &c. &c. &c., comes forward with a plan for the gradual abolition of the poor laws," dictated, doubtless, by inspiration. The extract from the Caledonian treats this proposal so justly, that we refer to it, and the general result of this, our examination, with full confidence, that, to every unprejudiced person of common sense and humanity, the justice, policy, necessity, and good effects of poor laws will thereby be made apparent.* We shall,

*What a treat it would be, to have the names of the persons composing the "Society for bettering the Condition of

therefore, consider the arguments and assertions used in this chapter of the author's (as is, indeed, the case) already answered and confuted,--and, therefore, content ourselves by referring to our former proposition concerning taxation; and we now submit to Mr. Malthus's candid and most serious consideration, the following plan for the gradual abolition of the tithe tax.

On the demise of the Archbishop of Canterbury, or any other rich dignitary of the church, let the poorest, most worthy, and laborious curate in the diocese be put into the vacant office, with a salary of 500l. a year, raised by a tax on rent for that express purpose. Let the tithes and rents of the church lands, now payable to him, be gradually reduced during the seven years following, so as to be abolished at the end of that period; and let their produce, during those seven years, be formed into a fund for relieving the poor who have no parishes,

the Poor!"-a Society, which has had the folly, or effrontery, to state, in a public report, that the national debt, of between 30 and 40 millions annually, levied from off the labour of the country, is of little moment, compared with the sum of between 3 and 4 millions really paid for the support of the poor, that are chiefly thrown upon their parishes by that very debt. It is true, that between 7 and 8 millions are paid under the name of poor rates: but the way in which this is appropriated has been fully explained.