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Calabrian wine, and longed for Sicilian beef, and how

John carried him thither in his barge.
Chap. X. How the Esquire from a foul-feeder, grew

dainty; how be longed for mangoes, spices, and Indi-
an birds-nefts, & c. and could not sleep but in a chinta

bed. Chap. Xl. The Esquire turned tradesman; how he fet

up a China-shop * over-against Nic. Frog. Chap. XII. How he procured Spanish flies to blister bis

neighbours, and as a provocative to himself. As like

wise how he ravished Nic. Frog's favourite daughter. Chap, XIII. How Nic. Frog, hearing the girl squeak,

went to call John Bull as a constable : calling of a conStatle no preventive of a rap. Chap. XIV. How John rose out of his bed in a cold morn

ing to prevent a duel between Esquire South and 'Lord Strutt; how, to his great surprisė, be found the combatants drinking geneva in a brandy-hop, with Nic.'s favourite daughter between them. How they both fell

upon John, fo that he was forced to fight his way out. Chap. XV. How John came with his constable's staff to

rescue Nico's daughter, and break the Esquire's China

ware.

Chap. XVI. Commentary upon the Spanish proverb, Time

and I against any two; or, Advice to dogmatical politicians, exemplified in some new affairs between John.

Bull and Lewis Baboon. Chap. XVII. A discourse of the delightful game of quadrille. How Lewis Baboon attempted to play a game solo in clubs, and was beafted : how fohn called Lewis for his King, and was afraid that his own partner jhould have 100 many tricks : and how the fuccefs and Aill of quadrille depends upon calling a righe King.

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PROPOSALS for printing a very curious dircourse, intitled, XEYAOAOTIA NOAITIKH' or, THE ART OF POLITICAL LYING.

HERE is now in the press, a curious piece, in

titied, tevdorogice Iloritizin or, The Art of Political Lying : confisting of two volume, in quarto.

TI

The PROPOSALS are,

I. That if the author meets with suitable encouragement, he intends to deliver the firit volume to the subfcribers by Hilary term next.

II. The price of both volumes will be, to the fubfcribers, fourteen shillings, seven whereof are to be paid down, and the other seven at the dclivery of the second volume.

III. Those that fubscribe for fix, shall have a seventh gratis ; which reduces the price to less than fix fillings a volume.

IV. That the subscribers fhall have their names and places of abode printed at length.

For the encouragement of so useful a work, it is thought

fit the public should be informed of the contents of the first volume, by one who has with great care perused the manufcript.

THE

285

THE ART OF

POLITICAL L YING,

H E author, in his preface, makes fome very ju

e sciences : that at firit they consist of scattered theorems and practics, which are handed about amongit the mafters, and only revealed to the filii artis, till such time as some great genius appears, who collects these disjointed propositions, and reduces them into a regular fyitem. That this is the case of that noble and useful art of political lying, which, in this last age, having been enriched with several neru discoveries, ought not to lie any longer in rubbish and confusion, but may juftly claim a place in the Encyclopædia, especially such as ferves for a model of education for an able politician. That he proposes to himself no small stock of fame in future ages, in being the first who has undertaken

this defign; and for the same reason he hopes the imperfection of his work will be excufed. He invites all persons who have any talents that way, or any new discovery, to commucicate their thoughts, assuring them that honourable mention Mall be made of them in his work.

The first volume consists of eleven chapters. In the first chapter of his excellent treatise, he reasons philofophically concerning the nature of the soul of man, and those qualities which render it susceptible of lies. He supposes the foul to be of the nature of a plano-cylindrical speculum, or looking-glass; that the plain fide was made by God almighty, but that the devil afterwards wrought the other side into a cylindrical figure. The plain side represents objects just as they are; and the cylindrical fide, by the rules of catoptrics, must needs represent true objects false, and false objects true: but the cylindrical side, being much the larger surface, takes in a great

compas compass of visual rays. That upon the cylindrical side of the soul of man depends the whole art and success of political lying. The author, in this chapter, proceeds to reason upon the qualities of the mind : as its peculiar fondness of the malicious and the miraculous. The tendency of the foul towards the malicious springs from felflove, or a pleasure to find mankind more wicked, base, or unfortunate, than ourselves. The design of the miraculous proceeds from the inactivity of the foul, or its incapacity to be moved or delighted with any thing that is vulgar or common. The author having established the qualities of the mind, upon which his art is founded, he proceeds,

In his second chapter, to treat of the nature of political lying ; which he defines to be, The art of convincing the people of falutary falsehoods, for some good end. He calls it an art, to distinguish it from that of telling truth, which does not seem to want art; but then he would have this understood only as to the invention, because there is indeed more art necessary to convince the people of a salutary truth, than a falutary falsehood. Then he proceeds to prove, that there are falutary falsehoods, of which he gives a great many instances, both before and after the revolution, and demonstrates plainly, that we could not have carried on the war so long without several of those salutary falsehoods. He gives rules to calculate the value of a political lie, in pounds, shillings, and pence. By good he does not mean that which is absolutely fo, but what appears fo to the artist, which is a sufficient ground for him to proceed upon; and he distinguishes the good, as it commonly is, into bonum utile, dulce, et ho. neftum. He shews you, that there are political lies of a mixed nature, which include all the three in different refpects : that the utile reigns generally about the Exchange, the dulce and honeftum at the Westminster end of the town. One man spreads a lie to sell or buy ftock to greater advantage; a second, because it is honourable to serve his party; and a third, because it is sweet to gratify his revenge. Having explained the several terms of his definition, he proceeds,

In his third chapter, to treat of the lawfulness of political lying ; which he deduces from its true and genuine

principles, principles, by inquiring into the feveral rights that mankind have to truth. He shews, that people have a right to private truth from their neighbours, and economical truth from their own family, that they fhould not be abused by their wives, children, and servants; but that they have no right at all to political truth; that the people may as well all pretend to be lords of manors, and possess great estates, as to have truth told them in matters of government. The author with great judgment states the

several shares of mankind in this matter of truth, according to their several capacities, dignities, and profeffions; and shews you, that children have hardly any fare at all; in consequence of which, they have very feldom any truth told them. It must be owned, that the author in this chapter has fome seeming difficulties to answer, and texts of scripture to explain.

The fourth chapter is wholly employed in this question, Whether the right of coinage of politicl lies be wholly in the government? The author, who is a true friend to Englis liberty, determines in the negatiye, and anfwers all the arguments of the opposite party with great acuteness: that as the government of England has a mixture of democratical in it, so the right of inventing and spreading political lies is partly in the people; and their obftinate adherence to this just privilege has been most conspicuous, and shined with great luftre of late years : that it happens - very often, that there are no other means left to the good people of England to pull down a ministry and government they are weary of, but by exercising this their undoubted right: that abundance of political lying is a sure fign of true English liberty: that as minifters do fometimes use tools to support their power, it is but reasonable that the people should employ the fame weapon to defend themselves, and pull them down.

In his fifth chapter, he divides political lies into feveral species and classes, and gives precepts about the inventing, Spreading, and propagating the several sorts of them: he begins with the rumores, and libelli famosi, such as concern the reputation of men in power: where he finds fault with the common mistake, that takes notice only of one fort, viz. the detractory or defamatory,

whereas

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