The proportion of children taught out of the parochial system was unexpectedly great. It was greatest in certain counties, as follows: Edinburghshire, Parochial schools. Private schools. 32 93 460 347 352 Aberdeenshire, Lanarkshire, -and there was no county, except Peebles, where the parochial schools were the most numerous. Only onefifth of the teachers and one-fourth of the scholars were under the parochial system. It is also to be remarked, that some of the schools returned as parochial, were merely under the care and patronage of parochial clergymen, by whom they had been established. The returns were considered as not quite complete, and the number attending school in Scotland in 1834 was computed as being more probably 323,154, the proportions in the two different classes of schools being nearly the same. Notwithstanding the political agitations and poverty which have long depressed Ireland in many respects below the level of the sister kingdoms, it has certainly for many years been above at least England with respect to the elementary instruction of its people. The ability to read and write is observably much more diffused in Ireland than in England; and it is often remarked with surprise, of Irish peasants of the humblest appearance, that they possess an acquaintance with the classics and the elements of geometry. Till 1831, education in Ireland was chiefly left to private enterprise and the efforts of a few religious societies: the government in that year established a Board for National Education, which has since been a channel for the application of a considerable amount of public money to this purpose. Various enumerations give the children attending public schools in Ireland for different periods, as follows: In 1908, 1821, Protestants. Catholics. 142,168 408,285 Total. 162,567 394,813 - 1824-6, . 560,549 † In 1835, a return to the Commissioners of the Education Board gave a computed total of children attending school in Ireland at 633,946, the population being at the same time computed at 7,954,100; so that the proportion under school instruction appeared to be about 1 for every 12.5 inhabitants. Since then, the national system has made great advances. The following table, drawn up from the eight reports of the Commissioners, shows the progress down to December 31, 1841: To which are to be added eight vested schools not included in the above, making the total number of schools on the 31st December 1841, 2727. The Irish national system at first met with great opposition, in consequence of religious party-spirit; but this obstacle is gradually giving way. The Presby terian Church in Ireland has 300 schools in connection with the national board, and the Irish Society is stated to be about to form a similar connexion with respect to about 60 schools under its charge. About 20 Poor-Law Schools have recently come under the superintendence of the board. It may here be mentioned, that at a great proportion of the elementary schools in Ireland, one penny a-week is paid by each pupil for education. Education is actively conducted in America, and it is calculated that about a sixth of the population are at school. In most of the states, schools are supported by a tax on property, and the superintendence is intrusted to committees of the rate-payers. In those of New England, the schools are as one to every two hundred of the inhabitants-a proportion, perhaps, exceeded in no part of the world. In surveying the statistics of education, we must keep in mind a few considerations by which the character and effects of education are liable to be much affected. Education is not certain to produce good effects, but only those which its directors contemplate and seek to bring about. It is a means of conferring certain accomplishments upon the mind, and modifying it to certain ends, inclinations, and habits of thinking and feeling. Its efficacy, even where well directed, is liable to be greatly modified by the character of the people amongst whom it is operating: for instance, a European people of good stock, and amongst whom all refining social agencies have long been at work, will show better results with a certain apparatus of school instruction, than a people newly emerged from barbarism. Above all, our expectations of moral results must be governed by the degree in which the moral department of education is attended to. Intellectual education gives only aptitude and information; it requires a training of the moral being to produce good conduct. We shall say more on this subject under the head "Crime." It has been seen that Prussia stands at the head of all the countries adverted to, with respect to the proportion of the population attending school. It is excelled in this respect by the United States of America, where, it is computed, there is a school for every 200 souls. England and Scotland have probably a ninth of their inhabitants at school-a considerably smaller proportion. But reckonings of schools and scholars are only a means of ascertaining a portion of educational influences. It cannot be doubted that, besides all the benefits, such as they are, of school learning, the youth of this country enjoy an immense advantage in the influence which the free institutions, the humanity, and the tone of mind resulting from an old-established civilisation, must exercise upon them. In a national system of education, the central government should possess but a slight, if any influence, and the business of both arranging and supporting should be left as much as possible in the hands of the people themselves. We beg to submit the following general views on this subject: Any thing done by government, as the organ of society, to promote universal education, must be based upon the actual state of educational efforts in the country. The people must every where be encouraged, The large proportion at the periods of adolescence and youth must be considered as strictly owing to a greater tendency to crime; for the proportions of human beings at those ages to the whole population are different, the persons from 16 to 20 being as 10 per cent., and those from 20 to 30 as 15 per cent., of the entire nation. It is calculated that amongst the persons living in England and Wales, from 17 to 21 years of age, there is one committal for 232; while from 41 to 50 there is one for 941; and above 60 one for 3391 individuals. We thus see how great an influence the strong and unregulated feelings of youth exercise in inducing criminality. The connexion of education or non-education, and of poverty, with crime, has excited much attention during the last few years. It is abundantly clear that some school learning may exist where the moral department of education has been neglected, or where the temptations to error may be very great. The education of mere reading and writing may only supply the means of committing a crime-as forgery-instead of tending to restrain from it. Yet it certainly does appear that criminals are generally uneducated in all ordinary respects. Mr Rawson, Secretary of the Statistical Society of London, has found that, of every 100 offenders in England and Wales, 35'4 per cent. could neither read nor write; 54.2 per cent. could read and write imperfectly; 10 could read and write well; and only 4, or less than a half, per cent. had received a good education. In Scotland, out of 8907 offenders, 20.2 per cent. could neither read nor write; 59-2 could read and write imperfectly; 18.2 per cent. could read and write well; and 2-4 had received a superior education. Mr Bentley, author of a History and Directory for Worcestershire, has shown the relation of non-education to crime in a different way. It appears from his tables, that the six English counties having the greatest proportion of schools are Cumberland, Durham, Middlesex, Northumberland, Rutland, and Westmoreland, in which the schools are one for every 727 inhabitants, and the criminal offenders one for every 1156 inhabitants. The six counties that have the smallest proportion of schools are Chester, Dorset, Hereford, Lancaster, Northampton, and Somerset, in which the schools are one for every 1540 inhabitants, and the criminal offenders one for every 528; that is, out of a people having twice the number of schools, there is not in proportion half so many criminals as where the schools are deficient. A comparison of the number of schools in the six most criminal, and the six least criminal, of the English counties, leads to the same conclusion. In Essex, Gloucester, Hertford, Chester, Somerset, and Warwick, we find one criminal offender in the lists of government for every 499 inhabitants, and only one school for every 1069 inhabitants; on the other hand, in Cornwall, Cumberland, Derby, Durham, Northumberland, and Westmoreland, we have only one criminal to every 1309 inhabitants, while we have one school for every 839 inhabitants. In other words, there are six counties in England which have nearly three times the amount of crime found in six other counties; and the counties in which the least crime is found have one-fourth more schools than the counties in which crime abounds. The different distribution of educational acquirements among the convicts of England and Scotland is striking, and requires for elucidation some inquiry into the proportional diffusion of knowledge among the whole community in each country. Among the affluent classes it is much the same, but among the working-classes it is materially different. According to the factory returns, there exists a more widely diffused instruction in Scotland than in England: in the former country, out of 29,486 operatives, 958 per cent. could read, and 53 per cent. could write; whe in the latter, out of 50,497 operatives, only 86 per cent. could read, and 43 per cent. could write. We have seen above that, in proportion as education was diffused through the whole community, the proportion of criminals to the total of the population was diminished; and this holds good in Scotland. But the mere exten sion of intellectual education to individuals of a class in which improved economical circumstances and selfeducation in moral respects has not induced that moral sense shown to be elicited in civilised communities, does not raise these individuals to the same elevation in the moral scale that the same education would do under more favourable circumstances. To produce the full benefit of education, it is the class, not merely the individual, that must be educated. An educated individual, belonging to an uneducated class, either continues to associate contentedly with his original companions, and retains their comparatively low stan dard of morality, combined with the increased power lent him by education-he has as feeble a restraint upon his conduct as they have, with much more power to d harm-or he attempts to associate with those above him in circumstances, though only equal in acquirements, and, failing in the attempt, sinks down to his former social level, soured against society, and prepared for any act of outrage. The petty pilferers are, for the most part, supplied by the destitute and uneducated class; the more daring and dangerous offenders by those who have moved in a more affluent sphere, and fallen from it by their imprudence or vices. The lesson read by the different degrees of education possessed by Scotch and English criminals, is the necessity of edu cating classes as well as individuals. When we come to speak of educating classes, we are brought to the consideration of their economical condition. In Bristol, an inquiry into the educational statistics of the city showed that, out of nearly 10,000 adults, taken indiscriminately among the working classes, 22-5 per cent. could neither read nor write; 25.6 could read only; 519 could read or write. In a wretched part of the parish of Marylebone in London, it was found that 25 per cent. could neither read nor write, and 75 per cent. could either read, or read aud write; and in two other portions of the same parish, inhabited principally by Irish labourers and their families, 49 per cent. could neither read nor write, and only 41 per cent. could read, or read and write. Among 1022 able-bodied and temporarily disabled paupers above the age of 16, the inmates of several union workhouses in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Kent, whose attainments were ascertained with precision, 46.5 per cent. could neither read nor write, 18 read imperfectly, 30 read decently, 5-3 read in a superior manner; and if the same, 66'4 could not write, 154 could write imper fectly, 16-9 write decently, and 1-3 write well. It thus appears, that poverty and want of education, as well as crime and want of education, go in company. On the last point it is necessary to guard against a misconception. There may be a district poor in re sources and with respect to the style of living of the inhabitants, and yet crime may not abound in it. Th department of Creuse is one of the poorest in Franer, yet it presents the fewest crimes. M. Quetelet draw the important distinction, that a set of people living steadily on small means, but knowing no better, and contented with what they have, are not poor, in the sense in which a people are poor who, seeing wealt and luxury around them, and exposed to the severest sufferings from the occasional failure of employment, are thereby demoralised. Printed and published by W. and R. CHAMBERS, Edinburg în Sold also by W. S. ORR and Co., London. CHAMBERS'S INFORMATION FOR THE PEOPLE. CONDUCTED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS, EDITORS OF CHAMBERS'S NUMBER 70. NEW AND IMPROVED SERIES. SOCIAL ECONOMICS OF THE INDUSTRIOUS ORDERS. PRICE 1d. Iris surely a deplorable feature in the condition of a arge portion of the working-classes in this country, that they have little or no provision made against the necessities which arise to themselves or their families in the event of sickness, a failure of employment, er death. With some this is not the case, but it is the case with many; and the result is, that these persons have never more than a thin partition dividing them from the realms of want and dependence. The effect which this is calculated to have need not be largely insisted on, for want and dependence are universally allowed to bring many evils. What is there to be expected from the moral nature of one who is every now and then obliged, perhaps, to ask for gratatous medicine and medical attendance-to take bread from a parish officer or the managers of a charitable Subscription to trust to the pity of neighbours whenver any thing like an exigency arises in his familyin short, is, for the supply of a great part of his needs, 2 stipendiary upon his fellow-creatures? These things are evidently irreconcilable with true manly dignity, with political independence, and with an upright bearing in any of the relations of life. The destitution of such individuals is commiserated when it arises-every humane person, who is himself above want, feels bound to contribute to its relief: the claim from suffering Kan to him who suffers in the smallest degree less, is rresistible. But while it is allowed that the need, when it does exist, must and ought to be relieved, all must kewise see that, in the effort to diminish one immeciate and clamant evil, another is introduced. The working man is morally deteriorated by ceasing to be independent. Better, clearly, that this portion of the community were to place themselves, by efforts of their on, above all need for such degrading aid. “But then the working-classes realise such small zains, that they can spare nothing for this purpose." This may be said; but it is at the best partially true. A great portion of the working-classes do most unquestanably, in ordinary times, realise enough to enable them to spare a little by way of provision for the future. Since many, most creditably to themselves, make such a provision, it may fairly be presumed that others, Eaving the same wages, could do so also, if they were willing. We may still more confidently presume, that, when some with comparatively small wages are able to save, those who are better off could save also. Now, often happens that the labourers of least skill, and who are least liberally remunerated, contribute as largely to savings' banks as their better paid brethren. Where this is the case, and the circumstances of the en are otherwise equal, we cannot doubt that the latter class make a less economical disposal of their income. Clearly, they have only to imitate the frugal cnduct of the small-wage class, in order to have ample means for making the provisions in question. On this subject, from various causes, many erroneous notions prevail. When practical men are consulted, we hear of an afflicting number of instances in which the higherwaged workmen are considered as securing little if any more comfort to their families, than the other class, and perhaps not so much. We have heard masters of works declare that their men, at 25s. a-week, did not, as a class, maintain their households, or educate their children, so well as those who had little more than half the sum. In a recent return from the Savings' Bank of Dundee, it appears that, while there is £1189 deposited by 108 male weavers, a class whose wages average 8s. weekly, and £425 by 36 hecklers, a class whose average wages are 12s., there is only £637 from 56 mechanics, men whose wages range from 18s. to 30s. Such facts, and we believe many of the like nature might be adduced, seem to prove that the working-classes have much more in their power for the promotion of their physical and moral well-being than is generally thought. Admitting fully that many are ground to the dust by poverty, we cannot doubt that a far larger proportion have all but the will to take the proper means for preserving their independence. We do not profess here to inquire into the primary causes of the unendowed condition of the workingclasses; but we can readily see various immediate ones, as intemperance and bad management of resources. The tavern bill of the whole operative class in the United Kingdom must be an enormous one. Of above thirty-one millions of gallons of spirits prepared in one recent year, and for which twenty millions of pounds sterling would be received, we cannot assume less than two-thirds to have been consumed by the workingclasses. These classes probably expend in this way three times the whole cost of the religious establishment of the country. In Glasgow, there is a tavern or spirit-shop for every fourteen families; and the sheriff calculates that not fewer than thirty thousand of the inhabitants go to bed drunk every Saturday night. In the parish of St David's in Dundee, while there are but 11 bakers' shops, there are 108 for the sale of liquors. In the parish of Lochwinnoch in Renfrewshire, three or four times more money is spent in this way than is required for the support of religion and education. The value of ardent spirits consumed in the parish of Stevenston in Ayrshire, with a population of 3681, exceeds the landed rental by £3836. These are startling facts, telling, if they tell any thing, that a large portion of the earnings of the working-classes is worse than thrown away. Now, though it is well, certainly, to compassionate and relieve the sufferings of all who need, we cannot but be equally sensible that it is proper to tell the plain truth, and say that for much of this suffering our countrymen have themselves to blame. There has been of late years a hollow kind of cajolery practised towards them, discreditable to all parties, and of a dangerous tendency. We dismiss this entirely, and conceive it to be both paying them a greater compliment and doing them a greater service, to tell them that the conduct of a large portion of their class is in many respects wrong, and to show them how it might be shaped somewhat better. We propose, therefore, in the present sheet, to treat of various arrangements or institutions which have been devised for the benefit of the industrious orders, with a view to their maintaining their independence, or avoiding some of the greater evils which beset them. One of the most conspicuously valuable is THE SAVINGS' BANK. Savings' Banks are enabled, after paying all charges upon their establishments, to give a considerably higher rate of interest than the ordinary banks, or even the greater part of private savings' banks, allow on deposits. The highest interest which the law allows the National Security Savings' Banks to pay, is 24d. per cent. per diem, or £3, 8s. 54d. per cent. per annum; the difference between this and the rate allowed on the money invested by them in government securities being reserved as a fund for the payment of the officials of the banks and other necessary expenses. The rate of interest which is generally paid by these banks, is 3 per cent., or £3, 6s. 8d. per cent. per annum; and Previous to the commencement of the present cen- whatever is left, after defraying all charges, is allowed tury, such of the humbler classes as were given to to accumulate as a surplus fund. saving had no proper place of deposit for their spare funds, which they were obliged, therefore, to keep in an unfructifying hoard in their own possession, exposed to the risk of loss, or had to consign to some neighbour, who, though thought safe, might turn out to be much the reverse. At the same time, in the want of a proper place for the deposit of spare money, those who might save, but did not, lacked one important requisite to their doing so. About 1805, it occurred to some benevolent minds that an important benefit would be conferred on these classes, if there were institutions of the character of banks, but on a modest scale, in which the poor could deposit the smallest sums they could, from time to time, spare, certain of being able to draw them forth when they pleased, with accumulated interest. Savings' banks were accordingly established, first in England, and afterwards in Scotland and Ireland, whence they quickly spread to America and France. They were generally conducted by associations of benevolent persons, who gave the security of their own credit for the accumulated sums, and held forth every temptation in the way of liberal interest, courtesy, and promptitude in management, to induce the working classes to resort to them. For some years, this joint-stock but still private security was found to be sufficient for the purpose; but, when it was understood that millions had found their way into savings' banks, it became apparent that something else was necessary in order to maintain the confidence which had at first been felt. The government was therefore induced to frame a variety of statutes for the better regulation of savings' banks, and one in particular by which its own security was given for the safe keeping of the deposits. This was done under the guidance of the best intentions towards the industrious classes, who generally are depositors in savings' banks, and with as little interference as possible with private and local management. A substantial benefit was also conferred, in the fixing of a rate of interest rather above the medium of what could be expected in a country under the particular circumstances of the United Kingdom with regard to capital. Deposits of from one shilling to thirty pounds may be received by these banks, but no individual depositor is allowed to lodge more than thirty pounds in one year, or than £150 in whole. Charitable and provident institutions may lodge funds to the amount of £100 in a single year, or £300 in all; and friendly societies are permitted to deposit the whole of their funds, whatever may be their amount. Compound interest is given ou the sums lodged, the interest being added to the principal at the end of each year in some banks, and the end of each half-year in others, and interest afterwards allowed on the whole. Any depositor may receive, on demand, the money lodged by him, if it do not amount to a considerable sum; and even in that case it will be returned on a few days', or at most two or three weeks', notice. Practically, in Edinburgh at least, payment is always made on demand. The wisest and most effectual provisions are made for ensuring the proper management of the affairs of these banks. Each must have a certain number of trustees and managers, whose services are performed gratuitously, besides a treasurer, actuary, cashier, clerks, &c.; all of whom must give security, by bond, to such amount as the directors of the establishment may judge sufficient. No portion of the funds invested in government security can be withdrawn, except on the authority of an order signed by several of the trus tees and managers. Detailed reports of the transac tions of each bank must be periodically forwarded to. the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, and also exhibited to the depositors at the bank office. It may be of use to add, that the money depo sited is consigned daily to the safe custody of a bank, such as the Bank of Scotland, and is thence regularly transferred to the Bank of England. Any doubt, there fore, as to the security which is offered, would be quite absurd. When the perfect safety of the system is cons trasted with the insecure practice of placing money interest in the hands of private persons, as is unhap pily too often done, no one in his senses would for moment hesitate which mode of disposal he should prefer. By the above-mentioned acts, it is directed that all Under both the old and new systems, savings' banka the funds deposited in National Security Savings' Banks have been highly successful in their object, and the must be paid into the Bank of England on account of money deposited in them reaches an amount which ne government, and that the money so invested shall bear one who regarded the habits of the working-classe interest at the rate of £3, 16s. 04d. per cent. per an- thirty-five years ago could have anticipated. In 1848 num, whatever may be the fluctuations in the value of the total sum was a trifle within twenty-two millions the public funds during the term of investment. Depo- In 1837, it was stated that the accumulations in the sitors are thus afforded the best of all securities, namely, bank at Exeter alone, reached £800,000. At the same that of the whole British nation; while the National time, Manchester and Liverpool respectively showed £280,000 and £345,000. In November 1841, aftet * Various rules are appointed by the legislature for the for-existing five and a half years, the Edinburgh bank had mation and management of savings banks. An association of accumulated £221,816: at the same period, after persons desirous of forming one in any place are enjoined first to somewhat briefer career, that of Glasgow showed a frame a set of rules for the management, and to submit these to balance of deposits amounting to £173,204. In 1834 whose certificate they cannot enjoy a legal status, or any of the when the total accumulations in England (inclusive of Wales) amounted to £13,582,102, the number of de positors was 434,845, a very considerable proportion, it must be owned, of the whole population. The ave rage deposit of each person was at that time £31, In Scotland, the average deposits are less, perhaps in consequence of the comparatively recent introducts a of the national security system. At November 1841, the approval of a barrister appointed by government, without advantages which the legislature has thought proper to hold out for the encouragement of such institutions. The present certifying barrister is John Tidd Pratt, Esq. A fee of one guinca is charged for the revision of the rules and certificate. The mazers, trustees, and treasurer, must act gratuitously, the only I officer being the actuary or clerk, who is obliged to give ity for the money passing through his hands. |