The gospel is thought to have been carried to Africa by the eunuch of Candace, whom Philip baptized; and probably also by some of those who, from different parts of it, attended the feast of Pentecost, Acts ii. 10. In after-times, very flourishing churches were situated on various points of the Mediterranean shore of Africa; but, at present, Mahommedanism, or idolatry, involves almost the whole continent, as has been the case ever since its conquest by the Saracens.

The necessary information relative to those places in Africa, which are spoken of in Scripture, will be found under their respective names, ABYSSINIA, ALEXANDRIA, EGYPT, ETHIOPIA, LIBYA, CYRENE, &c. AGABA, a fortress near Jerusalem, which Galestus, its governor, restored to Aristobulus, son of Alexander Jannæus. Joseph. Antiq. lib. xiii. cap. 24. AGABUS, a prophet, and, as the Greeks suppose, one of the seventy disciples of our Saviour. While Paul and Barnabas were at Antioch, on their way to Jerusalem, certain prophets came down from Judea, among whom was Agabus, Acts xi. 28. And he stood up, and signified by the Spirit that there would be a great famine throughout all the world, or Roman empire. This famine, which Luke informs us happened in the days of Claudius, (A. D. 44.) is noticed by profane historians, and Suetonius (in Claudio) observes that during its continuance the emperor was himself insulted in the market-place, and obliged to retire to his palace.-About ten years after, (A. D. 54.) as Paul was at Cesarea, on his way to Jerusalem, for the last time before his imprisonment, the same Agabus came down from Jerusalem; and, having bound his own hands and feet with Paul's girdle, prophesied that in like manner Paul should be bound at Jerusalem by the Jews, and delivered over to the Gentiles, Acts xxi. 10, 11.

AGAG, a king of the Amalekites, a tribe that attacked Israel in the wilderness, at their coming out of Egypt, while sinking under fatigue, and massacred all who were unable to keep up with the main body, Exod. xvii. 8; Deut. xxv. 17. This name, Agag, seems to have been common to the kings of that people; at least there was one of the name as early as the time of Moses, Numb. xxiv. 7.-The Lord was not satisfied with the victory which Joshua obtained over them, but declared that he would destroy the memory of Amalek from under heaven, Exod. xvii. 14. 16. About 400 years after this, Saul was commanded to march against them, and to "spare neither them, nor to desire any thing that was theirs, but to slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass." Saul, in obedience to his orders, invaded the country of the Amalekites, and cut to pieces all whom he met with from Havilah to Shur. Agag, however, and the best of the sheep and oxen, he spared, and also preserved the most valuable of the spoil. This was highly displeasing to the Lord, and the prophet Samuel was sent forward to Gilgal, to meet him, and reprove him for his disobedience. Having denounced punishment upon Saul, Samuel called for Agag, for the purpose of inflicting upon him that punishment which his cruelties had merited. When brought into the presence of the prophet, Agag expressed his hope that the bitterness of death was passed, to which Samuel replied, "As thy sword hath made mothers childless, so shall thy mother be childless

That "hewing in pieces" is not unknown, as a punishment, in some parts of the world, is seen from a relation in Bruce's Travels in Abyssinia. "The bodies of those killed by the sword," he remarks, "were hewn to pieces, and scattered about the streets," where they were devoured by the hyænas; (see 1 Kings xxi. 23.) and upon one occasion, when crossing the market-place, he saw the Ras's doorkeeper hacking to pieces three men, who were bound, with all the self-possession and coolness imaginable! Travels, vol. iv. p. 81. The character of Samuel has been vilified for cruelty, upon this occasion, with how much reason let the reader judge.

AGAPÆ, feasts of friendship, love, or kindness, in use among the primitive Christians. It is very probable that they were instituted in memory of the last supper of Jesus Christ with his disciples, which supper was concluded before he instituted the eucharist.

These festivals were kept in the assembly, or church, towards evening, after prayers and worship were over. Upon these occasions, the faithful ate together, with great simplicity and union, what each had brought; so that rich and poor were in no way distinguished. After a supper, marked by much frugality and modesty, they partook of the sacramental signs of the Lord's body and blood, and gave each other the kiss of peace.

The Agape are placed before the eucharist, (1 Cor. xi. 21.) and if they did refer to our Lord's supper before he instituted the eucharist, this seems to be their natural order. But it is probable that, at least in some places, or on some occasions, the holy eucharist preceded the Agape; perhaps when persecution rendered extreme caution necessary; for it seems very likely that Pliny speaks of these Agape in his famous letter to Trajan: "After their service to Christ, (quasi Deo,) they departed, and returned to take a harmless repast in common.'

The history of the Agape among the primitive Christians is so closely connected with the manners, customs, and opinions of times and places, that to treat it satisfactorily would lead us too far; we may, therefore, only offer a few remarks. There seems reason to conclude, that the social intercourse of early believers might enable them to discover many excellences in each other, which might contribute to justify and to promote the observations of heathen strangers, "See how these Christians love one another!"

These Agape were not only very powerful means, among the primitive Christians, of cultivating mutual affection throughout their body, and of gaining the good-will of those who observed their conduct; but, in all probability, they contributed to promote the Christian cause, by leading to conversions, and by supporting the minds of young converts under the difficulties attending their situation. Tertullian (Apol. cap. 39.) speaks of them thus: "Nothing low or unseemly is committed in them; nor is it till after having prayed to God, that they sit down to table. Food is taken in moderation, as wanted; and no more is drank than it becomes discreet persons to drink. Each takes such refreshment as is suitable, in connection with the recollection that he is to be engaged, in the course of the night, in adorations to God; and the conversation is conducted as becometh those who know that the Lord heareth them. After water has been brought for the hands, and fresh

lights, every one is invited to sing, and to glorify God, whether by passages from the sacred Scriptures, or of his own composition. This discovers whether proper moderation has been observed at the table. In short, the repast concludes as it began; that is to say, with prayer."

These institutions, however, even in the time of the apostles, appear to have degenerated, and become abused. Paul (1 Cor. xi. 20, 21.) complains, that the rich despised the poor in these assemblies, and would not condescend to eat with them: "When ye come together," says he, "in one place-this coming together, merely, is not eating the Lord's supper; one taking before another his own supper; one being hungry, another over full. What! have ye not houses to eat and to drink in? or despise ye the church of God, and shame them that have not?" In this discordant state of its members, a church could not but be unfit to celebrate the great commemoration of divine love. (Jude 12. "Spots in your feasts of charity-Agape-feasting themselves, &c.")

It certainly seems to us extraordinary, that on any occasion, much more on occasion of a Christian institution recently attended to, and a solemn Christian ordinance about to be attended to, the Corinthians should, any of them, indulge to excess of any kind: but when we consider that public suppers and other meals were customary among the Greeks, (to which they might assimilate these Agape,) and besides, that the sacrifices at which these Corinthians had been accustomed to attend, were followed (and some accompanied) by merriment, we shall see less reason to wonder at their falling into intemperance of behavior so very different from the genius of the gospel. Certainly the eucharist itself is, as the name implies, a feast for joy; but for joy of a much more serious kind. However, we must, in justice, vindicate the Corinthians from that gross profanation of the eucharist itself, with which, from our translation, or rather from the common acceptation of the phrase "Lord's supper,” they have been reproached.

AGE, (1.) a period of time; (2.) a generation of the human race; (3.) a hundred years; (4.) maturity of life; (5.) the latter end of life; (6.) the duration of life. See CHRONOLOGY.

AGRICULTURE, see CANAAN, PLOUGHING, and

THRESHING.

I. AGRIPPA, surnamed Herod, son of Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great, was born three years before our Saviour, and seven years before the vulgar æra. After the death of his father Aristobulus, Herod, his grandfather, undertook his education, and sent him to Rome, to make his court to Tiberius. The emperor conceived a great affection for Agrippa, and placed him near his son Drusus, whose favor he soon obtained, as also that of the empress Antonia. Drusus, however, dying soon afterwards, (A. D. 23.) all who had been his intimate friends were commanded by Tiberius to quit Rome, lest their presence should renew his affliction. Agrippa, who had indulged his disposition to liberality, was obliged to leave Rome overwhelmed with debts, and very poor. He was averse to go to Jerusalem, because of his inability to make an appearance equal to his birth; he retired therefore to the castle of Massada, where he lived in private. Herod the tetrarch, his uncle, assisted him for some time with great generosity; made him the princi, al magistrate of Tiberias, and presented him with a large sum. But all this being insufficient to answer the excessive profusion of Agrippa, Herod became weary of assisting him, and reproached him with his want of economy. Agrippa was so affected by his uncle's reproof, that he resolved to quit Judea, and return to Rome. A. D. 35.

The Jews had certain devotional entertainments, in some degree related to the Agape. On their great festival days, they made feasts for their family, for the priests, the poor, and orphans; or they sent portions to them. These repasts were made in Jerusalem, before the Lord. There were also certain sacrifices and first-fruits appointed by the law, to be set apart for that purpose, Deut. xxvi. 10-12; Neh. viii. 10, 12; Esth. ix. 19. A similar custom obtained among the heathen: at least, so far as to partake convivially of what had been offered in sacrifice; and perhaps, also, sending portions to such as were absent. The Essenes also had their repasts in common; and probably many other confraternities or sects. To this fellowship, the institution of the Sodales or brotherhoods, which had become popular since the days of Augustus, might greatly contribute.

AGATE, a precious stone, said to take its name from the river Achates in Sicily, where it was first found. Agates, which are of several kinds, are likewise procured in Phrygia, in India, in various parts of Europe, and at the Cape of Good Hope. The agate was the second stone in the third row of the high-priest's breastplate, Exod. xxviii. 19; xxxix. 12.

On the next day, letters were brought to the emperor from Herennius, who was charged with his affairs in Judea, in which it was stated that Agrippa, having borrowed 300,000 pieces of silver out of his exchequer, had fled from Judea, without repaying them. This intelligence so exasperated Tiberius that he commanded Agrippa to leave the palace, and to pay what he owed. Agrippa, however, addressed himself to the empress Antonia, from whom he obtained a sum of money sufficient to discharge the claim; and was restored to the emperor's favor. Agrippa now attached himself to Caius Caligula, the son of Germanicus, and grandson of Antonia; as if he had some presentiment of the future elevation of Caius, who at that time was beloved by all, and whose affection he so engaged that the prince was not able to live without him. Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. 1-5.

Upon the death of Tiberius, Caligula placed a diadem upon the head of Agrippa, and gave him the tetrarchy which Philip, son of Herod the Great, had possessed; that is, Batanæa and Trachonitis: to this he added that of Lysanias, (see ABILENE,) and Agrippa returned into Judea, to take possession of his new kingdom, A. D. 39.

Caius, desiring to be adored as a god, determined

to place his statue in the temple at Jerusalem, but this the Jews determinately opposed. Agrippa, who was at Rome at the time that Petronius, the emperor's lieutenant in Judea, addressed Caius upon the subject, so far succeeded in his entreaties, that the emperor desisted, at least in appearance, from his design.

After the death of Caligula, Agrippa espoused the interest of Claudius, who, in acknowledgment for his services, bestowed upon him all Judea, and the kingdom of Chalcis, which had belonged to Herod his brother. Thus Agrippa suddenly became one of the most powerful princes of the East, and possessed a greater extent of territory, perhaps, than had been enjoyed by his grandfather, Herod the Great. He returned into Judea, and governed to the great satisfaction of his subjects. The desire of pleasing the Jews, however, and a mistaken zeal for their religion, induced him to commit an act of injustice, the memory of which is preserved in Scripture, Acts xii. 1, &c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 4. About the feast of the passover, A. D. 44. James the greater, son of Zebedee, and brother of John the evangelist, was put to death by his orders; and Peter was thrown into prison, with a view to his execution, after the close of the festival. In this design, however, Agrippa was disappointed; the apostle being miraculously delivered from his confinement. A short time afterwards, Agrippa went from Jerusalem to Cæsarea, where he celebrated games in honor of Claudius. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 8. and Acts xii. 19, &c. Here the inhabitants of Tyre and Sidon waited on him, to sue for peace. Agrippa, | having come early in the morning to the theatre, to give them audience, seated himself on his throne, dressed in a splendid robe of silver tissue. The rays of the rising sun, darting upon his dress, gave it such a lustre and resplendence as the eyes of the spectators could scarcely endure. When, therefore, the king spoke to the Tyrians and Sidonians, the people, urged by his flatterers, exclaimed, "The voice of a god, not of a man!" Instead of rejecting these impious flatteries, Agrippa received them with complacency; but at that instant the angel of the Lord smote him, because he did not give the glory to God. He was carried to his palace by his attendants, where he died, after five days, racked by tormenting pain in his bowels, and devoured by worms, Acts xii. 20-23. A. D. 44. Agrippa had reigned seven years. He left a sou, of the same name, then at Rome, and three daughters-Berenice, who was married to her uncle Herod; Mariamne, betrothed to Julius Archelaus, son of Chelcias; and Drusilla, promised to Epiphanius, son of Archelaus, king of Comagena. Joseph. Ant. xviii. et xix. passim.

ties to Rome on this affair, who, by the good offices of young Agrippa, maintained the possession of their privilege, and the pontifical ornaments were continued in their custody.

Upon the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, (A. D. 48.) uncle to young Agrippa, the emperor gave his dominions to this prince; but he did not go into Judea till four years afterwards, (A. D. 53.) when Claudius, taking from him Chalcis, gave him the provinces of Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, Batana, Paneas, and Abilene, which formerly had been possessed by Lysanias. After the death of Claudius, his successor Nero, who had a great affection for Agrippa, added to his dominions Julias in Peræa, and that part of Galilee which included Tarichæa and Tiberias.

Festus, governor of Judea, coming to his government, A. D. 60, Agrippa, and Berenice his sister, went as far as Cesarea to salute him. As they continued there some time, Festus conversed with the king on the affair of Paul, who had been seized in the temple about two years before, and who a few days prior to this had appealed to the emperor Claudius, then reigning at Rome.

Agrippa being desirous himself to hear Paul, (Acts xxv. 13.) the apostle was brought forth, and Festus introduced his case to the king. Having obtained permission to speak, the apostle related his miraculous conversion, with his previous persecutions of the Christians, and his subsequent labors and suffering for the gospel, with such power, that he extorted from Agrippa that memorable exclamation,—“ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian." Agrippa afterwards said, that his prisoner might have been set at liberty had he not appealed to Cæsar, Acts xxvi.

About two years after this, Agrippa gave great offence to the Jews, by depriving Joseph Cabeï of the high-priesthood, and bestowing it upon Ananus, a man of a severe and cruel disposition, by whose influence the apostle James was condemned to be stoned, Acts xii. 2. Joseph. Ant. xx. 9. 1. To propitiate them, he deposed Ananus after he had enjoyed the pontifical dignity only three months, and conferred it upon Jesus, the son of Damnæus. Some time after this, he permitted the Levites to wear the linen robe, which had been hitherto appropriated to the priests, inducing those who had not been appointed to sing in the temple service, to learn vocal music, that they also might share in the privilege. Jos. Ant. xx. 9. 6.

AGRIPPIAS, a name given to the town of An thedon, on the Mediterranean, between Raphia and Gaza, by Herod the Great, in honor of his friend Agrippa, the favorite of Augustus. Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 21. See ANTHEDON.

whereupon the Lord promised that the execution of these threatenings should be deferred till the days of his son, 1 Kings xxi.

About two years after this, Ahab, contrary to the word of the prophet Micaiah, joined his forces to those of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, who was going up to attack Ramoth-Gilead. He went out in disguise, but, being wounded by an arrow, immediately left the field of battle. He continued the whole day, however, in his chariot, the blood streaming from his wound, and in the evening he died. He was carried to Samaria, and there buried. His chariot, and the harness of his horses, were washed in the fish-pool of Samaria, and there the dogs licked up his blood, according to the prophet's prediction, 1 Kings xxii. A. M. 3107. See ELIJAH, JEZEBEL, MICAIAH, NABOTH.

II. AHAB, son of Kolaiah, one of the two false prophets who seduced the Israelites at Babylon, Jer. xxix. 21, 22. The Lord threatened them, by Jeremiah, with delivering them up to Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, who should put them to death in the presence of those who had been deceived by them; and that the people should use their name proverbially, when they would curse any one, saying, "The Lord make thee like Ahab and Zedekiah, whom the king of Babylon roasted in the fire." The rabbins, who have been followed by several expositors, believe these to be the two elders who endeavored to corrupt the chaste Susanna. But the punishment annexed to the crime of those in the apocryphal history, destroys this opinion; for Ahab and Zedekiah were roasted in the fire, while the others were stoned. The text does not say, literally, they were stoned; but that they were treated as they would have used their neighbor;-that they were put to death according to the law of Moses; and as that law condemns adulterers to be stoned, which was the punishment they would have had inflicted on Susanna, it follows that this was the punishment they were to suffer in retaliation.

I. AHASUERUS, a king of Persia mentioned Dan. ix. 1. and called Astyages in the Vulgate, Dan. xiii. 65. He is evidently to be distinguished from the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther. See ASTYAGES II. II. AHASUERUS, a king of Persia, who is so conspicuous in the book of Esther, and is mentioned also in Ezra iv. 6. According to the opinion of those who identify him with Darius Hystaspes, he was a descendant of the royal family of Achæmones, and ascended the throne of Persia in the 28th year of his age, A. M. 3483; ante A. D. 521. In the second year of his reign, the Jews who had returned to Palestine, encouraged by the exhortations of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, resumed the rebuilding of the temple, which had been interrupted under the reign of Cambyses. On this, the governors of the province for the Persians demanded by what authority they undertook this work, Ezra v. 3 6, 13. The Jews produced the edict of Cyrus; the governors wrote to Ahasuerus, who gave directions to seek this edict. Having found it at Ecbatana, he confirmed it, and commanded his officers to assist in the design, and to furnish things necessary for sacrifices. Ahasuerus having divorced Vashti, his queen, (see VASHTI,) Esther, the niece of Mordecai, a Jew, was chosen to be his wife, through whose intercession the edict appointing the massacre of the Jews was cancelled, and their enemy, Haman, disgraced and put to death. See ACHMETA, ESTHER, and HAMAN.

The rest of Ahasuerus's life has no relation to sacred history. He died A. M. 3519, ante A. D. 485, after a reign of six-and-thirty years, and was succeeded by Xerxes, his son by Apharsa, or Vashti. The foregoing statement is in conformity with the opinion of Usher and others, which supposes Ahasuerus to be Darius, the son of Hystaspes; but, as this opinion has its difficulties, we shall notice what Dr. Prideaux has suggested in support of his opinion, that Artaxerxes Longimanus was the Ahasuerus of Scripture, to whom Esther was queen. Usher thought Darius, son of Hystaspes, married Atossa, (who is Vashti,) afterwards divorced by him; and that he took to wife Aristone, daughter of Cyrus, and widow of Cambyses, who is Esther. But this is contradicted by Herodotus, who informs us, that Aristone was daughter of Cyrus; consequently, she could not be Esther, who was too young. He says further, that Atossa had four sons by Darius, without reckoning daughters; and that she had so great an ascendency over him, as to prevail on him to declare her son, Xerxes, his successor, to the exclusion of his own sons. We foresaw, says Calmet, this objection, in our comment on Esther i. 9. and, without venturing to ascertain the Vashti divorced by Ahasuerus, we have shown that neither Atossa, whom we take to be the daughter of Cyrus, nor Aristone, who was a virgin when he married her, and might be Esther, that neither of them was dismissed by Ahasuerus. Herodotus says expressly, in his third book, that the daughter of Cyrus, and wife of Darius, was Atossa, lib. iii. cap. 68. and 88. Dr. Prideaux adds, (Hist. part i. book iv.) that the principal reason which influenced Usher, was the notice, in the book of Esther (ch. x. 1.), "that Ahasuerus laid a tribute on the land, and on the isles of the sea," which we read also in Herodotus, of Darius, son of Hystaspes, lib. iii. cap. 89. But Strabo attributes this to Darius Longimanus; while our author would refer it to Artaxerxes Longimanus. Strabo,

lib. xv.

The reasons urged by Dr. Prideaux for Artaxerxes Longimanus are these: (1.) That Josephus expressly affirms Artaxerxes to have been Esther's husband. (Antiq. lib. xi. cap. 6.) (2.) The Septuagint, and the Greek additions to the book of Esther, call Ahasuerus Artaxerxes. (3.) Several circumstances in these additions cannot be applied to Artaxerxes Mneinon. (4.) The extraordinary favor with which Artaxerxes Longimanus honored the Jews, strengthens the probability that he had married a Jewess. This opinion is maintained by Sulpitius Severus, and many other writers, both ancient and modern. See ARTAXERXES LONGIMANUS.

Scaliger supposes Xerxes to be the Ahasuerus of Scripture, and his wife Amestris to be queen Esther. (De emendat. Temp. lib. iv.) He grounds his belief on the resemblance of the names; but the circumstances related in the history of Amestris prove, indisputably, that she is not the Esther of Scripture; for Amestris, wife of Xerxes, had a son by that prince, who was of age to marry in the seventh year of his father's reign, Herod. lib. ix. She could not, therefore, be Esther, who was not married till the seventh year of his reign.

[Thus far Calmet. The. opinions of interpreters respecting the Persian king designated by this name in the books of Ezra and Esther, have been exceedingly diverse; and he has in turn been supposed to be Astyages, Cyaxares II, Cambyses, Darius Hystaspes, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes Longimanus, i. e. each