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Tenant Question, by Warren H. R. be anxious to contract with those Jackson, Esq.” The work, though parties from whom he could obtain his somewhat tinged with the hard poli- rents with least trouble, leaving them tico-economical school, is written to deal with the land as they liked, with great shrewdness of thought and and thereby continuing and increasing freedom from prejudice, and is well the odious middleman system. worthy the careful attention of the Mr. M‘Culloch does not confine his honourable House. The writer, in examination of the compulsory partidiscussing the vexed question he has tion in France, to its influence on taken in hand, fully coincides with agriculture. He has discerned certain the general principles laid down by' political effects of that and the conMr. M-Culloch. “ This,” he says comitant system of which it is a part, (speaking of the subdivision of land), with a precision which subsequent " is one of the monster grievances of events have elevated into a sort of Ireland, and you will do little good prophecy. The preface to his work is unless you abate it.” This abate- dated December, 1847, and the work ment he would bring about mainly was published, we believe, early in by prospective laws, as by placing all January. There can, therefore, be contracts for subletting hors la loi, no grounds for classing the following and so taking away from the first passage with those anticipations which lessee all power of recovering his rent are made after the event:from the actual tenant. We cannot but think that this would be found a

“ The aristocratical element is no long. most salutary enactment. It should er to be found in French society; and the be remembered, that the occupier is compulsory division of the soil, while it responsible to the owner of the free prevents the growth of an aristocracy, hold by the power of distress vested upon landed possessions that is impressed

impresses the same character of mobility in the latter, and it is but just that he on the families of their occupiers. Hence should be relieved from the liability the prevalent want of confidence in the to pay two rents—a liability which it continuance of the present order of things is manifest no good farmer would in- in France. What is there in that country cur, but which the squalid ravager of to oppose an effectual resistance to a the soil in Ireland is always eager France has been stripped of those old as

revolutionary movement ? Monarchy in for. It has been said that no further it derives almost all its lustre and sup

sociations and powerful bulwarks whence legislative enactment is required in port in this and other countries. The Ireland, and that administrative wis- throne stands in solitary, though not dom must do what yet remains to be unenvied dignity, without the shelter of done. Mr. Jackson, however, shows a single eminence, exposed to the full that there are such deep-seated evils force of the furious blasts that sweep in Ireland as cannot be cured except from every point of the surrounding by the direct interference of the legis- level. There is nothing intermediate, lature. But we think he expects too nothing to hindera hostile majority in the much from the Sale of Encumbered Chamber of Deputies from at once subEstates Bill. An extensive change tion, or changing the reigning dynasty.”

verting the regal branch of the constituof proprietorship would, we are per. -P. 132-133. suaded, be a great evil in Ireland. There is an attachment in general to Scarcely was the printer's ink dry the “ould stock,” among their poorer on this passage when the Throne of neighbours, which would naturally be the Barricades was gone. We have followed by a jealousy and prejudice given our author full credit for his against the new comers who displaced sagacity in penetrating into the future, them. And this prejudice would of but we think it would puzzle bim to itself neutralize any efforts for improve- foretell what is to come next.

We ment which the landlord might other- are disposed to doubt, however, whewise be disposed to make-although, ther an aristocracy could have prein most cases, we should not expect served the throne of Louis Philippe. much effort in this direction from a It is true that in our own country stranger mortgagee, often an unwill- William of Nassau and George of ing purchaser, who would naturally Brunswick maintained their crowns by


the aid of powerful sections of the pourra briller dans les lettres et les arts, nobility. But the revolutions which mais sa gloire politique me semble gave them those crowns were not the devoir être passagere comme un méteore.' volcanic outbursts of popular force. CHEVALIER, Lettres sur l'Amerique, ii. Under such outbursts, no successful 379,” pp. 171, 172. usurper, no

“ Hero-king," no sove We have already said that reign by the will of the people, has think England certain to have an been able to devise a principle which aristocracy of some description. The shall establish his throne in security, ambition of the people to advance and serve in the stead of that prestige themselves individually in the social of old hereditary succession, that scale will necessarily lead to a high grand feudal idea of kingly right, value being set upon those advanced which is the essential fountain of positions, and will tend to make them the reverence that guards royalty. the fulcrum from which the country is Louis Philippe would have contirmed governed.

And we

can conceive his sovereignty by means of the nothing more fatal to our national influence exerted upon interested organization than the result which officials. No sooner was his power would follow indirectly from the reshaken in its unstable equilibrium peal of these laws. It may be sup: than the men whom his gold had posed at first sight that no very vital bought rushed to worship the rising question is involved here. Let those sun of the young Republic. Napo- who suppose so, take a view of the leon, before him, would have built up probable condition of society which a similar power on military glory; would ensue. These, and other sohis doom was sealed when his eagles called feudalities, being swept away, turned from the field of Leipsic. land becomes a commercial article, Cromwell employed religious fanati- according to the desire of the plutocism to the same end: the fanaticism cratic reformers. Estates are trucked lasted his time; but we will venture about in the market like bills of exto say that, had he lived, his pro- change; constantly changing hands, tectorate would not have reached the their owners have little connexion seventeen years allotted to the demo- with them or the people that live on cratic King of the French.

them, regarding them merely in the Our author is of opinion that, after light of so much realized capital. The all, the system of compulsory parti- old families gradually become distion will fail to guard what has since possessed ; mere wealth is recognised become the French Republic : as the sole qualification for rank and

influence; and the leading class in " But, though it were possible, which the state is composed of men who are it is not, to obviate the mischievous an aristocracy by virtue of ready influence of the French and other plans money. Far be it from us to underfor preventing the increase and conti- value the enterprise, integrity, and nuance of property in the same families, industry of our merchant manufacit may be confidently predicted that turers and tradesmen. But we will they will, in time to coine as hitherto, wholly fail in their grand object of per- say that when we meet with a man, petuating the ascendency of the demo

as we often do among those classes, cracy: In old settled and fully peopled endowed with a broad range of countries, where the bulk of the popula- thought and high and noble aims, tion is necessarily poor and dependent, we regard him as possessing these an aristocracy is indispensable for the qualities not as a consequence, but support of a free system of government, in spite of a commercial training. • Il importe à tous les peuples qui ont la The immediate effects of such trainprétention de devenir ou de rester puis- ing are to sants,d'avoir une aristocratie, c'est-à-dire

narrow the mind and un corps héréditaire ou non, qui conserve domestic and social life-for in these,

cramp the soul, not in respect of et perpetue les traditions, donne de l'esprit de suite à la politique, et se voue perhaps, the middle classes are unsurà l'ar: le plus difficile de tous, qu passed by any other—but in the proaujourd'hui cependant tout le monde vinces of the statesman and the croit savoir sans l'avoir appris, celui de politician. gouverner. Un peuple sans aristocratie In these times, it seems to be com



monly supposed that a legislator-like high profits, and a brisk trade in calia poet-nascitur, non fit. There is a certain kind of training, the acquisi Many of our readers will recollect tion of a certain cast of thought, which a passage in Cicero (Of. i. 42) in are requisites for statesmen as a class, which he reprobates, more or less, all as much as his legal reading for a law- commercial pursuits, in respect of their yer, or his apprenticeship for a handi- operations on the moral insight of craftsman. Statesmen, however, have man, and finishes with the praise of to deal with practical matters; and the culture of the soil, in these words: therefore we think, as we have before “Omnium rerum ex quibus aliquid said, that while the predominance of acquiritur, nihil est agricultura meliùs, these requisites in the legislature is nihil uberiùs, nihil dulciùs, nihil homine essential to good government, there libero digniùs.” In this country we may with advantage at the same time should find it difficult to go along be a certain admixture of the men with the feelings of the old Roman practically versed in commerce and republican on these points. But manufactures. But this should be al- though we have already expressed ways a subordinate, not a leading, ele- our high sense of the social and doment in the principles which regulate mestic virtues of the middle the administration of government. trading classes, yet we are most conWe repeat, that the counting-house, fident in the truth of our position, the loom, and the anvil, are not the that the shop is the worst possible best schools for legislators. For that preparation for the senate. We know office, a man requires leisure and edu- that there is a talk abroad about cation, We shall be told that a earnest workers, drones of the hive, " Squire” is not necessarily an edu- and so forth. By all means, let every cated man. We do not maintain that man work who is fit to work. But it he is. But, in the first place, as we is not necessary, nor is it desirable, cannot well have an education-test, that every man should work for gain. we must go to the class in which, as a On the contrary, we hold that a class class, we find the highest and most endowed with leisure is indispensable, enlarged form of education; and we not only for the grace and civilization, believe that this qualification can, but even for the moral well-being of without question, be claimed for the a community. That money should leisure-class, or gentlemen of Eng. become the one grand loadstar of land. In the second place, it should thought and action is the bane of be remembered, that if the squire is those societies where the pursuit of not always individually what we money is the general employment; should call an educated man, he yet but where there is such a leisure-class imbibes his thoughts and notions from as we have spoken of, forming the those who are such, who give tone to topmost rank of a nation otherwise the society in which he moves. In chiefly mercantile, there are numberinvestigating the characteristics of less influences derived from it which classes, it can scarcely be but that a percolate through the underlying number of exceptions to our general masses, and check or modify the rules will force themselves upon our exclusive reverence for wealth to attention. Yet, in good truth, we be- which they would otherwise be prone. lieve that almost all the individual Even a mere blind respect for rank or examples which can be cited will bear title exalts the mind immeasurably as out our estimate. The highest con- compared with mammon-worship. tributions to the legislature, on the While on the subject of our leisurepart of the middle or commercial class, which is pretty nearly synonyclasses, have been the shrewd practi- mous with the landed gentry, we must cal men of business, men of the stamp not pass over in silence a subject in of Mr. Hawes. As for the Cobdens connexion with which the outery and Brights, et hoc genus omne, their against the drones of the hive” is only motive principle appears to be frequently introduced. We refer to the interests of My Shop. Their no- the Game-Laws. The whole question tion of loyalty, patriotism, and British of these laws has been so fully discussprosperity, is nothing but low wages, ed in a recent Number of this maga

zine, that we will not attempt in any somebody to look after the police, and way to open that controversy. But take care that no one robs their till; they are so commonly coupled with that is their idea of government. They the Laws of Entail as “feudalities," want a man (some of them being and as interfering with the transmis- willing to allow him a small salary, sion of land according to “commercial though others think that it does not principles," that we could not alto- pay) to preach to the masses, and tell gether omit the mention of them. We them not to steal, and to be content will at this time only observe, that the with their wages ; that is their idea of denunciation of the Game-Laws is a the church. We do not think, howpart of the crusade which Hard-Cash, ever, that the tone of thought prevathat arrogant monopolist who bears no lent among the Manchester school is brother near his throne, is waging destined yet to lead the mind of Eng. against all other objects of interest or land. And we are the less inclined to devotion. Let it not be supposed that look forward to such a national debaselaws are of minor importance because ment when we find so enlightened an they relate to the amusements of any advocate of free-trade policy as Mr. portion of the community. They may M‘Culloch-the advocate of a theory derive their importance from that cir- which we hold to be erroneous,

but not cumstance as tending to raise up some- the selfish and greedy clamourer for thing which shall cope with the lust of the gain of himself and his class—thus gold. The game-preserving interest coming forward to vindicate the laws is worth maintenance if only as clash- which preserve the hereditary characing with mammonism.

ter of our aristocracy, which lend so While the brawlers about “improve efficient an aid in shielding us from ment” and “progress," are heaping their the crushing tread of mammonism, meaningless abuse upon feudalities, and in preventing "commercial prin. we should be glad to know what they ciples” from introducing the ledger purpose to do with that greatest feu- and day-book into our manor houses, dality of all, the Crown? Already and the counter into our farmers' there are symptoms of intention to parlours. In this view we most hearttake that matter in hand. Mr. Cobden ily thank our author for his noble and and some of his Calibans have talked energetic contribution to our National in the House of Commons about cur- Defences at the present time; and as tailing the “ barbarous splendour” of there is a wide field open in conthe throne. They know nothing and nexion with the subject he has so care nothing about the historical asso- powerfully handled, we cannot take ciation and constitutional truths em- leave of him without expressing a bodied in the ancient appendages of hope that we may before long listen royalty. How should they? They want to him again “ on the same side.”

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[The reader is informed that “ Life in the Far West” is no fiction. The scenes and

incidents described are strictly true. The characters are real (the names being changed in two or three instances only), and all have been, and are, well known in the western country.]

“ AND Mary Brand herself,—what nised “courting” (and Americans is she like?”

alone know the horrors of such pro* She's some' now; that is a fact,” longed purgatory), they became, to " and the biggest kind of punkin at use La Bonté's words, “awful fond," that,” would have been the answer and consequently about once a week from any man, woman, or child, in had their tiffs and makes-up. Memphis County, and truly spoken However, on one occasion, at a too; always understanding that the “husking,” and during one of these pumpkin is the fruit to which the tiffs, Mary, every inch a woman, to The-plus-ullra of female perfection is gratify some indescribable feeling, compared by the figuratively speaking brought to her aid jealousy—that old westerns.

serpent who has caused such misBeing an American woman, of chief in this world: and by a flirtacourse she was tall, and straight and tion over the corn-cobs with Big slim as a hickory sapling, well formed Pete, La Bonté's former and only withal, with rounded bust, and neck rival, struck so hard a blow at the white and slender as the swan's. latter's heart, that on the moment his Her features were small, but finely brain caught fire, blood danced before chiselled; and in this, it may be re- his eyes, and he became like one marked, the lower orders of the possessed. Pete observed and enjoyAmerican women differ from, and far ed his struggling emotion-better for surpass the same class in England, him had he minded his corn-shelling or elsewhere, where the features, alone; and the more to annoy his ri. although far prettier, are more val, paid the most sedulous attention vulgar and commonplace. She had to the pretty Mary. the bright blue eye, thin nose, and Young La Bonté stood it as long small but sweetly-formed mouth, as human nature, at boiling heat, the too fair complexion and dark could endure ; but when Pete, in the brown hair, which characterize the exultation of his apparent triumph, beauty of the Anglo-American, crowned his success by encircling the the heavy masses (hardly curls), slender waist of the girl with his arm, which fell over her face and neck and snatched a sudden kiss, he contrasting with their polished white- jumped upright from his seat, and ness. Such was Mary Brand : and to seizing a small whiskey-keg which her good looks being added a sweet stood in the centre of the corn-sheldisposition, and all the good qualities lers, he hurled it at his rival, and cryof a thrifty housewife, it must be al- ing to him, hoarse with passion, "to lowed that she fully justified the eulo- follow if he was a man," he left the giums of the good people of Memphis. house.

Well, to cut a love-story short, in At that time, and even now, in the the which not a little moral courage remoter states of the western counis shown, young La Bonté fell despe- try, rifles settled even the most trivial rately in love with the pretty Mary, differences between the hot-blooded and she with him; and small blame youths; and of such frequent occurto her, for he was a proper lad of rence and invariably bloody terminatwenty-six feet in his moccasins— tion did they become, that they the best hunter and rifle-shot in the scarcely produced sufficient excitement country, with many other advantages to draw together half a dozen spectatoo numerous to mention. But when tors of the duel. did the course, &c., e'er run smooth? In the present case, however, so When the affair had become a recog. public was the quarrel, and so well



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