reader of it, however, must not expect any regular series of narrative, nor any thing like unity of time, place, or action. The whole is in the style of a homily; and the few facts that are mentioned disappear in the unconnected mass of emphatic declamation, which is intended to exculpate himself by criminating his adversaries. His general reflections are scattered with a liberal hand; and though among them we do not find any that are recommended by either novelty or ingenuity, many of them are both solid and seasonable. The following may serve for an example *: • Those who advise the European governments rashly to employ measures of rigour and severity continually quote the French Revolution in support of their system and their counsels. I request these governments to study with attention, and for themselves, the example thus set before them as a guide for their judgment. They will then see that the French Revolution essentially originated in thoughtless acts of power and authority.'- Let courtiers therefore be ware of inciting the Sovereigns of Europe to violent resolutions, by speaking to them of the Revolution in France: this would be deluding them by false appearances, in order to detach their attention from reality. Such modes of procedure should be left to ignorant and superficial men, who form general conclusions from particular circumstances which occupy their thoughts; while it may be forgiven in the nobles of France, who are so deeply interested in extolling the merit of boldness, after having so grievously wandered from the dictates of prudence.' M. NECKER well unfolds the principles of administration of the National Convention, and justly arraigns their rapacity and prodigality. He has treated this subject perhaps more ably than his countryman Sir Francis d' Ivernois: but he forgets, as well as that gentleman, that the French acted like a party in a law-suit, who should think that he ought never to regard expence, provided he can gain his cause. The criticism on the constitution of 1795 abounds with just though trite remarks. According to our author, the great defect of that constitution was the want of a due connection between its component parts; and particularly the want of a sufficient intimacy between the legislative and executive powers-whether this objection be well founded, time alone can reveal. The author's reflections on the English and American constitutions, contrasted with the principles of French equality, will be familiar to an English reader; being principally borrowed. from books in his language; and though, in a practical view, such remarks can never be unseasonable, those of M. NECKER Vol. ii. p. 38, and p. 41. are written in too academic a style to be much relished by those who most require them. The reader is fatigued, also, by the perpetual recurrence of the same thoughts, expanded but not invigorated, amplified but not impressed. Among the multitude of memoirs respecting the French Revolution, it will not be easy for the future historian to discover materials for a consistent and authentic narrative. Each author is his own hero; and each actor in the great scene exhibits himself as the principal figure, -as the centre on which the whole system turned,-as the propitious divinity whose influence, had it not been counteracted by malignant powers, would have produced order and happiness. No one of these writers is better entitled to boast than M. NECKER; and no one has more freely used the privilege. His vanity extends to every thing that is connected with himself, or with France particu Jarly, the great theatre of his glory. Of the French nation he always speaks as being the most illustrious on earth, and equally pre-eminent in arts, arms, letters, eloquence, and poetry. He even takes a pride in augmenting the population of that country by nearly one-fourth, and in magnifying its extent in a still higher proportion. When (vol. iv. p. 162.) he gives to it 25,000 square leagues, he makes his minutes of longitude equal to those of latitude; not reflecting that, at 50 degrees from the equator, three of the former do not amount to two of the latter; and that the medium of the degrees of longitude in France is under 14 geometrical leagues. Gil...s ART. XIV. Essai Historique, Politique, & Moral, &c. i. e. An SOME OME Platonists have been fond of defending the whimsical opinion that human souls are eternal self-subsistent Beings, ever migrating into fresh human bodies, limited in number, and whose whole variety is exhausted in the course of one or two thousand years. Hence they would argue, "( you may observe the same souls and groupes of souls, as to character, pursuit, and train of idea, re-appearing, after a lapse of ages, almost in the original succession; and repeating, under other names and climates, the virtues, the vices, and the exploits which characterized their former incarnations." One would suppose this theory to have been embraced by the author of the work before us. For every incident of the French revolution, whether trivial or extraordinary, he finds a parallel in antient history; and for every character that has been remarkable in it he discovers some classical archetype. The resemblances are often often pointed out with more wit than judgment: but the comparisons are always carried on with learning, eloquence, and vivacity. In speculation, the author is one of those Quixotes of independence who prefer the peaceful anarchy of the savage state to any form of liberty that is coerced by human laws: but, in practice, his attachment to royalty appears to have cost him his fortune and his country.. The introduction sketches the plan of an extensive work, of which the object will be to compare the French Revolution with all the revolutions antient and modern, that have resembled it, or have led the way to it. The volume now published comprizes only its features of resemblance with the revolutions of Greece. In the first chapter, the author declares for the doctrine of the eternity of the earth, and of its human population. He consequently supposes that there are natural causes always at work, adequate to the extinction of any attainable. degree of human civilization, and which have repeatedly effaced the very remembrance of the past. He rejects the notion of a perpetually progressive improvement in the state of society, and is inclined to number the late revolutions of France among the magnificent follies of men. He expects from it, ultimately, little influence on the condition of surrounding nations, and as little alteration in the state of the multitude at home. A parallel is drawn (Chap. v.) between the abolition of the heroic monarchies of Greece in favor of legislative republics, and the somewhat similar contagious democratic ferment of our own times. In the antient world, the author every where sees modern Europe. He finds at Athens emigrants and revclutionary tribunals; and, in the massacre of Eleusis, a second of September, nay the very names of the French Factions, the Mountain and the Plain. Megacles is compared with Tallien. The Jacobins, with a most ingenious absurdity, are likened to the Spartans, and are maintained to have borrowed their opinions and their emblems from Lycurgus and his followers. A defence of them occurs at p. 84, which merits attention. The resembling character of the Athenians and Parisians, neither of which is on the whole praiseworthy, is traced with a skilful hand in the XVIIIth chapter; and this serves for an introduction to an extensive survey of the state of knowlege in Greece, at the era of the republican revolution. Among the curious quotations from antient authors, may be ranked the voyage of Hanno, here inserted entire, and compared with that of Captain Cook. The humanity of the English navigator, in sowing the South-Sea Islands with nutritive plants, is deservedly and well praised,-but not better than in those beautiful lines of Les Jardins of De Lille, "Ta "Ta voile en arrivant leur annoncait la paix, "Et ta voile en partant leur laissait des bienfaits," &c. All this is preparatory to a long parallel between Great Britain and Carthage; in which it is observed that each produced but one great general, Hannibal and Marlborough; that their constitutions were not unlike; that their colonies revolted; and that their coincidences of fortune already extend to very minute particulars. Egypt is compared with modern Italy, as having been the source of arts and superstitions to the antient world. The xxxvIIIth chapter, concerning the Celts, confounds, after the manner of Pelloutier, the Gaelic, Cimbric, and Gothic nations; which were radically distinct from each other in language, manners, and religion. Switzerland and Scythia are paired, not very fortunately; while Macedon and Prussia are placed in parallel, with great felicity. Tyre is assimilated to Holland, and the Persian empire to Germany. These steps lead us to a very detailed, interesting, and wellconducted parallel between the present revolution-war of the French, and the Medic war of the Greeks; in which the author comprehends the whole period intervening between the battle of Marathon in the time of Darius. and the general pacification under Artaxerxes. These wars had nearly the same causes, and the same success is at first observable on the part of the allies; afterward, the same reverses. The following passage will give an idea of the manner in which the author unites the different facts: 6 P. 326. Hippias, last king of Athens, had retired to the court of Artaphernes, brother of Darius, and satrap of Lydia. The brothers of Louis XVI. had sought a refuge at the court of Coblentz. The Athenians immediately said that Darius favoured the tyrant, who was intriguing to raise up enemies against his country; and Deputies were sent to Artaphernes, to require him to desist from protecting the cause of Hippias. The French insisted that Leopold should forbid the assemblage of the fugitive princes and nobles in his states. Artaphernes openly replied that, if the Athenians desired the good-will of the great king, they must replace Hippias on the throne. The German Emperor seemed to obey the orders of the National Assembly, but secretly pursued an opposite conduct. Darius complained that the Greeks fomented the rebellion of the Ionian towns, and intermeddled with the internal government of his provinces. The German princes complained of insolent decrees, which affected their territory. Amid these mutual reproaches, it was impossible for the minds of men long to preserve the moderation which they affected. Both parties professed to intend peace, and both prepared for war. Exasperation spred. Hippias, at the court of Suza, described the Greeks Greeks as factious foes to order. The emigrants invoked Europe against the sworn enemies of kings. The Athenians and the French recommended insurrection against the tyrants who oppressed the li berties of nations. The one party sounded an alarm of republicanism, the other of slavery. Reciprocal insults provoked both to arms. The Greeks then, the French since, got the start of Persian indolence, and of German phlegm; and they attacked first. The 69th olympiad, and the year 1792, commenced with the hostilities of wars which are but too memorable. The Athenians precipitated themselves on Asia Minor, the French on Brabant; and both are repelled, leaving behind them flames which required torrents of blood to quench." Dumouriez is ill-compared with Miltiades: with Themistocles, the resemblance of character and fortune would have been more obvious. Pichegru is likened to Pausanias. The following table of parallelism between the two wars occurs at P. 339: Confederated against France. The empire of Germany. Allies. The Spaniards. The Prussians. Maritime Powers. The English. The Hollanders. Revolted Provinces. Flanders. Liege. Avignon. French Emigrants. Monsieur and his adherents. Neutral Nations. The Swiss. The Scandinavians. The Anseatic towns. The French began their War without an Ally. The author pushes the resemblance to a number of petty incidents, which we have not room to enumerate :-but it seems natural to conclude that, as a long posterity has on the whole taken part with the Greeks in their splendid and victoious struggle for liberty and independence, so it will view with favor the exertions of the French, when the tomb shall have heaped its mold on their follies and their crimes. The influence of the triumph of the Greeks was inconsiderable, ast to |