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had been occasionally applied to unconnected pursuits, was, without in. termission, employed in that uniform course of public service, to which his great duties, and his own deep sense of them, now wholly bound him. Never inactive, he had hitherto divided his time between the business of parliament, the study of books, and the amusements as well as the useful occupations of a country life. As a magistrate, he had borne a diligent share in the local affairs of his county; but he had also found leisure for indulging himself in an exceeding prepenseness to fieldsports,' and in the embellishment of his paternal estate, of which he was very fond. When, therefore, he finally abandoned all these pur. suits and habits of social ease, which his temper, and talents, and the mild virtues of his domestic character, so much inclined and fitted him to enjoy, the motive must have been powerful, and the sacrifice great.

“ From this time till his death, except at some few hasty intervals, when business of public concern called him from the parliament, from the council, or from the camp, he never again returned to that home to wbich the remembrances of his youth, his studies, his pleasures, and the blameless happiness of tranquil hours, had so strongly attached him.

“ His mansion still remains. It stands away from both the principal roads which pass through Buckinghamshire, at the back of that chalky range of the Chilterns, which bounds on one side the vale of Aylesbury. The scenery which immediately surrounds it, from its seclusion little known, is of singular beauty, opening upon a ridge which commands a very extensive view over several counties, and diversified by dells, clothed with a natural growth of box, juniper, and beech. What has once been the abode of such a man can never but be interesting from the associations which belong to it. But, even forgetting these, no one, surely, who has heart or taste for the charm of high breezy hills, and green glades enclosed within the shadowy stillness of ancient woods and avenues leading to a house, on whose walls the remains of the different styles of architecture, from the early Norman to the Tudor, are still partly traced through the deforming innovations of the eighteenth century,—no one, surely, can visit the residence of Hampden, and not do justice to the love which its master bore it, and to that stronger feeling which could lead him from such a retirement to the toils and perils to which, thenceforth, he entirely devoted himself." 4

In the parliament which met on the 3d of November, 1640, Hampden was returned both for the borough of Wendover and for the county of Buckingham. He made his election for the county. Stratford's impeachment now engaged his utmost attention ; but it is pretty clear that he disapproved of the procedure by bill. It has been askel, why then did he not oppose it? Plainly,” says Lord Nugent, “ because in a case doubtful to him only, az matter of precedent, but clear to him in respect of the guilt of the accused person,-in a case in which the accused person, in his estimation, deserved death, and in which all law but that of the sceptre and the sword was at an end if he had escaped it—when all the ordinary protection of law to the subject throughout the country was suspended, and suspended mainly by the

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• Nugent, vol ii. p. 287, et seq.

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counsels of Strafford himself,—Hampden was not prepared to heroically immolate the liberties of England, in order to save the life of him who would have destroyed them."

We next find Hampden, in conjunction with the lords Say and Kimbolton, Nathaniel Fiennes, and the younger Vane, urging the abolition of episcopacy. At first he supported the more moderate measure of reform in the church, but from the time of the rejection of the bill to restrain the bishops from voting and holding civil offices, be resolved to make no compromise with the high-church party.

Soon after the committal of Strafford and Laud to prison, and when several of the king's other ministers had Aed, a negotiation was opened for admitting the leaders of the country party into office. Pym was to have been chancellor of the exchequer in the room of Cottington ; Holles, secretary of state ; and Lord Essex governor, and Hampden tutor to the prince of Wales, 5 One feels curious to know what effect this arrangement would have had on the face of public affairs had it been gone into at this strange and critical juncture, and particularly what effect Hampden's training would have had on such a character as Charles II., who was now little more than ten years of age. The negotiation failed however, and we cannot afford space for conjectural results.

The bill against episcopacy was yet pending when Charles suddenly announced his intention of visiting Scotland. His secret object was a double intrigue with the English officers and the Scottish covenant. ers; his professed one, to allay disorders amongst the troops, and prepare them to disband in quietness. The commons urged the inexpediency of such an expensive journey in the present exhausted state of the treasury, and the propriety of at least delaying it until the two armies now on the frontier were paid off; but the king was not to be moved, and immediately set out for his northern capital. Parliament then appointed a committee to watch, and, if possible, to thwart the king's negotiations with the covenanters. Clarendon applies the epithet of spies to this committee, and Hume of course eagerly adopts the desig. nation, yet these spies were openly appointed by the votes of both houses, and openly proceeded to where Charles held his court. The commissioners from the lords were the earl of Bedford and lord Howard of Escricke ; and for the commons, Hampden, Fiennes, Sir W. Stapleton, and Sir W. Armyne. Hampden was the soul and life of the commission, and conducted the principal part of the correspondence with London, until upon the discovery of the Incident,' as it was called, he and his colleagues returned to London, and resumed their seats in the houses.

Charles' memorable and fatal attempt to seize the five members, of whom Hampden was one, has already been noticed with sufficiency of detail. Hampden's address to the house on this occasion was a very powerful one. He said he would not enter on the particulars of the charge, for the evidence in support of them had not yet been opened to the house ; but, as was necessary, when the terms loyalty, obedience, and resistance, had been so loosely employed, he particularized upon these several duties as constituting the difference between a good and a bad subject. He divided them under the heads of “ Religion towards

o Whitlocke, p. 41.

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God, loyalty and due submission to the lawful commands of the sovereign, and good affections towards the safety and just rights of the people, according to the ancient and fundamental laws of the realm." Concerning religion, he claimed the right of determining by searching the sacred writings, in which are contained all things necessary to salvation ;' he contrasted this law with the doctrine and discipline of the church of Rome, and averred that all other sects and schisms that lean not only on the Scriptures, though never so contrary to the church of Rome, ' are a false worshipping of God, and not the true religion.' He then proceeded to define the limits and extent of lawful obedience to the sovereign, "acting with the free consent of his great council of state, assembled in parliament. For the first, to deny a willing and dutiful obedience to a lawful sovereign and his privy council (for, as Camden truly saith, the commands of the lords privy councillors, and the edict of the prince is one, they are inseparable, the one never without the other,) to deny to defend the royal person and kingdoms against the enemies of the same, either public or private, or to deny to defend the ancient privileges and prerogatives of the king, as pertinent and belonging of right to his royal crown, and the maintenance of his honour and dignity, or to deny to defend and maintain true religion in the land, according to the truth of God, is one sign of an evil subject. Secondly, to yield obedience to the commands of a king, if against the true religion, and the ancient and fundamental laws of the land, is another sign of an ill subject. Thirdly, to resist the lawful power of the king, to raise insurrection against the king, admit him averse in his religion, to conspire or in any way to rebel against his sacred person, though commanding things against our consciences in exercising religion, or against the rights and privileges of the subject, is an absolute sign of a disaffected and traitorous subject. Of the means to know the difference between a good subject and a bad, by their obedience to the laws, statutes, and ordinances made by the king, with the whole consent of his parliament,' he spoke thus :— First, I conceive, if any particular member of a parliament, although his judgment and vote be contrary, do not willingly submit to the rest, he is an ill subject to his king and country; and, secondly, to resist the ordinance of the whole state of the kingdom, either by the stirring up a dislike in the hearts of his majesty's subjects of the proceedings of the parliament, to endeavour, by levying arms, to compel the king and parliament to make such laws as seem best to them, to deny the power, authority, and privileges of parliament, to cast aspersions upon the same and its proceedings, thereby inducing the king to think ill of the same, and to be incensed against the same, to procure the untimely breaking up and dissolution of a parliament, before all things be settled by the same, for the safety and tranquillity both of king and State, these are apparent signs of a treacherous and disloyal subject against his king and country. I humbly desire my actions may be compared with either ; and both as a subject, a protestant, as a native of this my country, and as I am a member of this present and happy parliament, that I be esteemed, as I shall be found guilty upon these articles exhibited against myself and the other gentlemen, to be a bad or a good subject to my sovereign and native country; and to receive

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buch sentence upon the same as by this honourable house shall be conceived to agree with law and justice.”6

The first year of the civil war, grievous on so many public accounts to Hampden, was a time of great domestic affliction also to him. Soon after the outbreak his eldest son died, and almost immediately after, his favourite and beloved daughter, Mrs Knightley. Two of his first cousins also brought dishonour on the family name, by engaging in Edmund Waller's plot. After mustering the strength of Buckinghamshire for the approaching contest, Hampden took the command at Northampton, with a small brigade of infantry and some guns, his colleague, Arthur Goodwyn, accompanying him with his regiment of cavalry. From Northampton he moved to the support of Lord Brook, who commanded the right wing of Essex's army. The unfortunate indecision which characterized Essex was extremely mortifying to the ardent and active mind of Hampden, who often found it difficult to yield the obedience of a good soldier to his general's orders. He had always advised an instant advance upon Oxford as the surest means of bringing the struggle to a speedy termination ; but the lord-general, until peremptorily ordered by the close committee of parliament, made no forward movement. At last he had nearly invested Oxford when the partial success of the royalists in the west moved him to detach a part of his army in that direction, and to concentrate his force nearer London.

A sharp campaign followed in the west, after which Prince Rupert commenced a series of incursions into Buckinghamshire. Hampden was at this time attending to his parliamentary duties in London, but upon hearing that Rupert was threatening Aylesbury, he immediately posted to his charge, and marched his regiment from Wycombe to reinforce Colonel Bustrode at Aylesbury. Rupert having retreated, Jlampden joined the advanced guard of Essex's army, now on its march to besiege Reading. That place baving surrendered, Essex exhausted the patience of his troops by continuing to act on the defensive, with extensive, and consequently feeble and ill-connected lines. In these circumstances, the troops were loud in their complaints against the earl, and called upon parliament to place Hampden at their head. But the career of this popular soldier was drawing to a close. On the 18th of June, Rupert made a sudden and successful attack upon Chin

Hampden, on the first alarm, sent off a trooper to the lord-general at Thame, to advise moving a force to Chiselhampton bridge, the only point at which Rupert could recross the river, while he instantly mounted, and, with a troop of horse, endeavoured to harass and impede the retreat until Essex should have made his dispositions. Rupert retired through Tetsworth, and drew up in order of battle at Chalgrovefield, where a fierce fight began, every effort being made to keep Rupert hotly engaged till reinforcements should arrive from Essex. ** Hampden," says his noble biographer, “put himself at the head of the attack ; but, in the first charge, he received his death. He was struck in his shoulder with two carabine balls, which, breaking the bone, entered his body, and his arm hung powerless and shattered by his side. Sheffield was severely wounded, and fell into the hands of tue enemy. Overwhelined by numbers, their best officers killed or

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taken, the great leader of their hopes and of their cause thus dying among them, and the day absolutely lost, the parliamentarians no longer kept their ground. Essex came up too late ; and Rupert, though unable to pursue, made good his retreat across the river to Oxford Thus ended the fight of that fatal morning when Hampden shed his blood, closing the great work of his toilsome life with a brilliant reputation and an honourable death ; crowned, not, as some happier men, with the renown of victory, but with a testimony not less glorious, of fidelity to the sinking fortunes of a conflict which his genius might have more prosperously guided to a better issue.

• Disce ...., virtutem ex hoc, verumque laborem,
• Fortunam ex aliis.'

His head bending down, and his hands resting on his horse's neck, he was seen riding off the field before the action was done,—'a thing,' says Lord Clarendon, he never used to do, and from which it was concluded he was hurt.' It is a tradition, that he was seen first moving in the direction of his father-in-law's (Simeon's) house at Pyrton. There he had in youth married the first wife of his love, and thither he would have gone to die. But Rupert's cavalry were covering the plain be. tween. Turning his horse, therefore, he rode back across the grounds of Hazeley in his way to Thame. At the brook, which divides the parishes, he paused awhile; but, it being impossible for him, in his wounded state, to remount, if he had alighted to turn his horse over, he suddenly summoned his strength, clapped spurs, and cleared the leap. In great pain, and alınost fainting, he reached Thame, and was conducted to the house of one Ezekiel Browne, where, his wounds being dressed, the surgeons would, for a while, have given him hopes of life, but he felt that his hurt was mortal, and, indulging no weak expectations of recovery, occupied the few days that remained to him in despatching letters of counsel to the parliament in prosecution of his favourite plan. While the irresolute and lazy spirit which had directed the army in the field should continue to preside in the counsel of war, Hampden had reason to despair of the great forward movement to which ae had throughout looked for the success of the cause. And now the reinforcements which were pouring into Oxford from the north, and the weakened condition of the parliament, made the issue of this more doubtful. His last urgent advice was to concentrate the position of the army covering the London road, and provide well for the threatened safety of the metropolis,—and thus to rouse the troops from the mortifying remembrance of their late disasters to vigorous preparations, which yet might lead, by a happier fortune, in turn, to a successful attack. This was his last message,- like that from the dying consul, after Cannæ, to the senate of his country :— Abi, nuncia patribus urbem mu. niant, ac, priusquam hostis victor adveniat, præsidiis firment. . . . . .Me, in hac strage meorum patere expirare, ne aut reus e consulatu sim, aut accusator collegæ existam, ut alieno crimine innocentiam meam prote

“ After nearly six days of acute suffering, his bodily powers no longer sufficed to pursue or conclude the business of his earthly work. About reven hours before his death he received the sacrament of the Lord's supper, declaring, that 'though he could not away with the governance

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