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with the establishment of the Postoffice department," as has been stated.

It should be recollected, that in a number of instances, the committees of Congress, while they opposed the passage of a law prohibiting the transportation of the mail on Sunday, have, nevertheless, been in favor of a repeal of the clause compelling Postmasters to deliver letters, &c., on that day, and have recommended the repeal of the same,-the very clause complained of in the petitions of 1838 and 1839.

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The Hon. W. T. BARRY, Postmaster-General, communicated to the Twenty-first Congress, first session, March 4th, 1830, a statement of the post-routes within the United States on which the mail is transported on Sunday." The number, according to this report, was nearly 300-extending through the whole country, on all the great thoroughfares. What an astonishing amount of Sabbath desecration must have resulted. The increase of these mails, since that time, has been great, and must be greater still. When we contrast the temporal and spiritual interests of all those engaged in this demoralizing practice, with the pecuniary benefits derived to the nation, or to individuals, can any one, properly enlightened, for a moment doubt the inutility and inexpediency of such a measure? It destroys morality and good order, mental and physical energy, and the brightest prospects of the undying soul.

Although Sunday mails may give temporary pleasure and profit to few, they bring bankruptcy and eternal pain on many. And that man who demands a Sunday mail can be neither a philanthropist, a patriot, nor a consistent Christian. Is not he a Sabbath breaker, as well as the man who carries,,or opens and distributes it? Hear what Dr. Adam Clark, in his commentary, says of the Sabbath breaker. "Those who habitually disregard its [the Sabbath's] moral obligations, are, to a man, not only good for nothing, but are wretched in themselves, a curse to society, and often end their lives miserably." What has God said concerning them? To such an inquiry, the friends of Sunday mails strenuously object, as is apparent from the following passage in Mr. Johnson's first report. "The petitioners appear, in many instances, to lay it down as an axiom, that the

practice is a violation of the law of God." But can the true philanthropist and the consistent Christian, though they be "civil legislators merely," overlook the bearing of such questions on the moral and political destinies of those for whom they legislate? Even if Congress refuse to prohibit Sunday mails, by law, they should not require of any man labor on that day. And, by example, they ought in all things to lend their influence to sustain an institution, on which rests the hope, not only of the Christian, but of the patriot and the world.

The next document to which we come, is the Report of Hon. R. M. JOHNSON, communicated to the House of Representatives, March 4th and 5th, 1830, at the first session of the Twenty-first Congress. This report partakes of the same sophistry and vituperation of the one made to the Senate in 1829. It has already been reviewed by able men, and shown to be most unkind, unfair, and unchristian. Satan never accomplished a greater temporary victory over this institution, through any agency, in any country, unless the infidelity of France be an exception, than was accomplished by this and the former reports. As he sometimes transforms himself into an angel of light, that he may the better succeed in his nefarious designs, so do these reports. They admit just enough of the truth of the Christian religion, and of the importance of the Sabbath, to throw the reader off his guard; and then, by bold and unfounded assumptions, by false premises and wrong conclusions, lead him to think that the writer is contending, legitimately, against a reality, and not fallaciously, against a figment of his disordered imagination. But no discriminating mind, and especially no enlightened Christian can fail to see in these reports blank infidelity, touching this institution, and the right of God to require its observance. It is greatly to be desired, that the writers of these reports may see the error of the course they have pursued, and repent of it, though they can never make amends for all the evil brought on the nation through these instrumentalities.

Report of Hon. Mr. McCreery.

The HON. MR. MCCREERY, of the same committee, submitted his views on this subject to the House, March 5th, 1830, de

fending the aspersed character, impugned motives, and misrepresented views of the petitioners; as well as the principles for which they contended. It is a document too sensible, candid, and too much in point, to be withheld from the reader.

"All Christian nations acknowledge the first day of the week to be the Sabbath. Almost every state in this Union has, by positive legislation, not only recognized this day as sacred, but has forbidden its profanation under penalties imposed by law.

"It was never considered by any of those states as an encroachment upon the rights of conscience, or as an improper interference with the opinions of the few, to guard the sacredness of that portion of time acknowledged to be holy by the many.

"The petitioners ask not Congress to expound the moral law; they ask not Congress to meddle with theological controversies, much less to interfere with the rights of the Jew, or the Sabbatarian; or to treat with the least disrespect the religious feelings of any portion of the inhabitants of the Union; they ask the introduction of no religious coercion into our civil institutions; no blending of civil and religious affairs; but they do ask that the agents of Government, employed in the Postoffice Department, may be permitted to enjoy the same opportunities of attending to moral and religious instruction, or intellectual improvement, on that day which is enjoyed by the rest of their fellow-citizens. They approach the Government, not for personal emolument, but as patriots and Christians, to express their high sense of the moral energy and necessity of the Sabbath for the perpetuity of our republican institutions, and respectfully request that Congress will not, by legislative enactments, impair these energies.

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Among the many reasons which might be advanced, that it is both expedient and a duty to grant the prayer of the petitioners, the following only are submitted:

"The petitioners ask the enactment of no law establishing the first day of the week as the Christian Sabbath; they only ask the extension and application to one department of Government, of a principle, which is recognized, and has, since the foundation of our Government, been acknowledged in every other department. The principle embraced in the petitions has been re

cognized by Congress, by adjourning over the first day of the week. ** All the other Executive Departments of Government are closed on that day. Congress has never, by this, considered itself expounding the moral law, or as introducing any religious coercion into our civil institutions; or making any innovations on the religious rights of the citizens; or settling, by legislation, any theological question that may exist between Jews, Sabbatarians, and other denominations. The good of society requires the strict observance of one day in seven. Paley, and other writers on moral philosophy, have shown, that the resting of men every seventh day; their winding up their labors and concerns once in seven days; their abstraction from the affairs of the world, to improve their minds and converse with their Maker; their orderly attendance on public worship and instruction, have a direct and powerful tendency to improve the morals and temporal happiness of mankind.

"The wise and good Ruler of the Universe made the appointment, not by a mere arbitrary exercise of authority, but for our good; and, whatever difference of opinion may exist in respect to the proper day to be observed, almost all agree that one day in seven should be devoted to religious exercises. That being admitted, can any thing be more reasonable than the request of the petitioners, that at least so much of the law should be repealed as requires the Postoffice to be kept open every day of the week? Does not the enactment of that law plainly imply that mankind are under no moral obligation to refrain from secular labor on any day of the week? Is it not in direct opposition to the received opinion of almost all professing Christians? It is to that part of the law, more particularly, which requires, in terms, all the Postmasters throughout the United States to deliver letters, packets, and papers on every day of the week, to which the minority of your committee object; and which is most offensive to the petitioners. In this statute is at once seen a palpable encroachment on the rights of conscience. It either drives every man who feels himself morally bound to observe the Sabbath in a religious manner, from the service of his country, and equal participation in her favors, or subjects him to the hard terms of remaining in office at the expense of his principles. It is freely

acknowledged that works of necessity and mercy are not forbidden; and if the transportation of the mail on Sunday could be justified on that ground, (which is not admitted,) it cannot be contended that the keeping open offices where no mail arrives on that day, is the work of necessity.

"The arguments which have been urged for the transportation of the mail, &c. on the Sabbath, are mainly derived from commercial convenience, and from alleged derangement of business and intercourse. This doctrine militates against the first principles of good morals. If these are important at all, they are paramount to the claims of expediency; but this plea makes them subservient to the pressure of worldly business, and converts them into mere questions of profit and loss.

"The prayer of the petitioners cannot interfere with the religious feelings or consciences of any portion of the citizens, because they ask no service to be performed, no principle to be professed. It is only asked that certain duties be not required on a certain day. Were it imposing any service, or requiring the profession of any opinions, those whose religious sentiments were different, might justly complain. But he who conscientiously believes that he is bound to observe the seventh day of the week, in a religious manner, can have no just reason to complain, because Government takes nothing from him in permitting all classes of citizens to observe the first day of the week as a day of religious rest. The case would be quite different, did the privilege of resting on that day, impose any thing on any class of citizens contrary to their conscience.

"Therefore, Resolved, that it is expedient to grant the prayer of the petitioners."

(Signed)

"WM. MCCREERY."

In order to place before the reader more fully the arguments of the petitions and remonstrances against Sunday mails, a few extracts from some of those presented in 1829, will now be subjoined.

From Newark, N. J., Dec. 10th, 1829.

**"That your memorialists conscientiously believe that the

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