tional Congress to be assembled at Panama. The proposition excited much interest, both from its novel character and in view of the important results which it might by possibility lead to. It was accepted by the Government of the United States; but owing to the disturbed and revolutionary condition of the South American republics, the assembly met but once, and then only for a short time; and the hopes, which it naturally excited, failed to be realized. During the discussion of this subject in the Congress of the United States, a communication was made, (March 15, 1826,) to the House of Representatives by President Adams, in which the following passages are particularly worthy of being introduced here, as having a close connection with some of the topics, that have already claimed our attention.

"It will be within the recollection of the House, that immediately after the close of the war of our Independence, a measure closely analogous to this Congress of Panama, was adopted by the Congress of our Confederation, and for purposes of precisely the same character. Three commissioners, with plenipotentiary powers, were appointed to negotiate treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce, with all the principal Powers of Europe. They met, and resided for that purpose about one year at Paris; and the only result of their negotiations at that time, was the first treaty between the United States and Prussia-memorable in the diplomatic annals of the world, and precious as a monument of the principles, in relation to commerce and maritime warfare, with which our country entered upon her career as a member of the great family of independent nations. This treaty, prepared in conformity with the instructions of the American Plenipotentiaries, consecrated three fundamental principles of the foreign intercourse which the Congress of that period were desirous of establishing. First, equal

reciprocity, and the mutual stipulation of the privileges of the most favored nation in the commercial exchanges of peace; secondly, the abolition of private war upon the ocean; and, thirdly, restrictions favorable to neutral commerce upon belligerent practices, with regard to contraband of war and blockades. A painful, it may be said a calamitous experience of more than forty years, has demonstrated the deep importance of these same principles, to the peace and prosperity of this nation, and to the welfare of all maritime states, and has illustrated the profound wisdom with which they were assumed as cardinal points of the policy of the Union.

At that time, in the infancy of their political existence, under the influence of those principles of liberty and of right, so congenial to the cause in which they had just fought and triumphed, they were able but to obtain the sanction of one great and philosophical, though absolute, Sovereign, in Europe, to their liberal and enlightened principles. They could obtain no more. Since then, a political hurricane has gone over three-fourths of the civilized portions of the earth, the desolation of which, it may with confidence be expected, is passing away, leaving at least, the American atmosphere purified and refreshed. And now, at this propitious moment, the newborn nations of this hemisphere, assembling by their representatives at the Isthmus between its two Continents, to settle the principles of their future international intercourse with other nations and with us, ask, in this great exigency, for our advice upon those very fundamental maxims, which we, from our cradle, at first proclaimed, and partially succeeded to introduce into the code of national law.

Without recurring to that total prostration of all neutral and commercial rights which marked the progress of the late European wars, and which finally involved

the United States in them, and adverting only to our po litical relation with these American nations, it is observable, that, while in all other respects those relations have been uniformly, and, without exception, of the most friendly and mutually satisfactory character, the only causes of difference and dissension between us and them which ever have arisen, originated in those neverfailing fountains of discord and irritation, discriminations of commercial favor to other nations, licentious privateers, and paper blockades. I cannot, without doing injustice to the Republics of Buenos Ayres and Colombia, forbear to acknowledge the candid and conciliatory spirit with which they have repeatedly yielded to our friendly representations and remonstrances on these subjects; in repealing discriminative laws which operated to our disadvantage, and in revoking the commissions of their privateers to which Colombia has added the magnanimity of making reparation for unlawful captures by some of her cruisers, and of assenting, in the midst of war, to treaty stipulations favorable to neutral navigation. But the recurrence of these occasions of complaint has rendered the renewal of the discussions which result in the removal of them, necessary; while, in the mean time, injuries are sustained by merchants and other individuals of the United States, which cannot be repaired, and the remedy lingers in overtaking the pernicious operation of the mischief. The settlement of general principles, pervading, with equal efficacy, all the American States, can alone put an end to these evils, and can alone be accomplished at the proposed assembly.

If it be true that the noblest treaty of peace ever mentioned in history is that by which the Carthaginians were bound to abolish the practice of sacrificing their own children, because it was stipulated in favor of human nature, I cannot exaggerate to myself the unfading glory

with which these United States will go forth in the memory of future ages, if, by their friendly counsel, by their moral influence, by the power of argument and persuasion alone, they can prevail upon the American Nations at Panama, to stipulate, by general agreement among themselves, and so far as any of them may be concerned, the perpetual abolition of private war upon the ocean. And, if we cannot yet flatter ourselves that this may be accomplished, as advances towards it, the establishment of the principle that the friendly flag shall cover the cargo, the curtailment of contraband of war, and the proscription of fictitious paper blockades, engagements which we may reasonably hope will not prove impracticable, will, if successfully inculcated, redound proportionally to our honor, and drain the fountain of many a future sanguinary war.”*

The international bodies, which have hitherto existed under the denomination of Congresses, have differed, in some important respects, from that prospective assembly, to which the attention of the friends of peace has been called. In the FIRST place, they have not been of a permanent character; they have been called into existence in connection with particular emergencies; and have terminated, as soon as the circumstances, which called them into being, would permit. Again, being created for particular occasions, they have generally been limited to a few nations, those which were particularly interested, and have not embraced the great body of European and civilized States. Their influence accordingly has been more limited, than it would otherwise be. Furthermore, they have been, in their design and in their operations, remedial rather than preventive. They have been summoned together, in order to heal the wounds, which have been inflicted, to shut the foun

• American State Papers, 1825-6.

tains of wretchedness, which war has opened; rather than by antecedent measures to prevent wars taking place. The Congress, which the friends of peace contemplate, differs essentially; it is meant to include every civilized nation; it is designed to be a permanent assembly, in order to meet the cases of misunderstanding and difficulty, which are constantly arising. At the same time, it is not intended to be legislative, but purely diplomatic and consultative; a sort of High Court of reference and advice, employed in forming treaties and conventions, in adjusting on the principles of equity those conflicting claims of its members, which they may see fit to refer to it; and in settling the doubtful principles of the public Code. And in all these measures, its great object, that for which it is primarily and particularly proposed, is the preservation of universal peace. The mere suggestion of the existence of such an assembly is enough to excite interest; that it is one of the things within the range of possibility, cannot be doubted; and the mere possibility, not to say, probability, of its being called into existence, cannot fail to call forth thought, discussion, and effort.