credit and influence at Vienna, precifely in thefe circumftances, to bring about the most unjust and illegal proceedings against his Britannic Majefty in the affair of the pofts. The King eafily perceived to what the threatenings of his enemies tended. They wanted to throw an indelible ftain upon his arms, by difarming the auxiliary troops, who had no other refource left but either to difband or enter into the French armies. The Hanoverian troops were confined in fo narrow a fpace, that it would have been impoffible for them to fubfift long, but must have perished in mifery. Befides, the King, by fubfcribing to the new terms which they wanted to impofe upon him, could not afterwards have claimed the affiftance of the British nation for that electorate. The revenues of his German dominions would have been feized, and the country exhaufted in fuch a manner, that nothing could have been expected from it in a long courfe of years. The King would then have feen himself unable to maintain either his own or fubfidiary troops, which by a natural confequence he had been forced to difband. Then would his Majefty's enemies have accomplifhed the dangerous fchemes which Count Fleming foretold, might one day become fatal to the House of Ha nover. Let any one but examine this picture, whofe natural colours are much ftronger than here reprefented; let him but liften to the voice of reafon, juftice, and equity; let him, in fhort, but put himself in the King's place, it will be impoffible for him to hefitate a moment, what part the King had to take in thefe circumftances. The court of France itfelf acknowledged, that the laft conditions propofed did not exift in the treaty of Clofter Seven, as it wanted them to be granted by new conventions. The King had therefore an undoubted right to reject them. France alfo maintained, that the convention, before it could become obligatory, wanted the ratification of his moft Chriftian Majefty. The King, therefore, had an equal power to grant his, or to refuse it. Was he to renounce this power, and abandon his country and people to the difcretion of an enemy, who fought their total ruin and deftru&tion? The King, then, took the most juft measures, and the most agreeble for his own dignity and prefervation; the only meafures which the arrogance of his enemies had permitted him to take; measures, in fhort, which, however dangerous and uncertain they then appeared, could not poffibly prove more fatal, than the equally heavy and fhameful yoke which France wanted to impofe upon the King, by the new convention. He refolved to try, what was poffible, to deliver his eitates, and thofe of his allies, from tyranny and oppreffion, and for this purpofe, and to defend himfelf, to join, in quality of Elector, with his Pruffian Majefty. He ordered a perfon of confidence to be fent to that monarch, to defire him to permit Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, a Prince of the bloodroyal, to take the command of his army. This was the 1ft of Nov. and confequently five days before. the battle of Rofbach, when Major General Count de Schulembourg departed from Stade to go to the King of Pruflia. In the mean time, the the Generals and minifters had not yet received orders to commence hoftilities. The King would not permit them to purfue any measures, which might give France room to think that he was difpofed to enter into her views. General Zaftrow's letter, annexed to the Parallel, fhews, that they conformed exactly to his Majefty's intentions, and that they fignified that they thought the King was refolved henceforward to regard the convention as null and void. As foon as we were fure of a General, a refolution was taken to march against the enemy. Duke Ferdinand gave notice of this to Marthal Richelieu, by a letter of the 28th of November. The King gave all the world an account of the juft motives of this conduct, in a memorial publifhed the 26th of that month, and hoftilities were renewed on both fides. This is the jufteft idea that can be given of an event, which will ferve as an eternal monument of France's manner of acting as foon as the thinks he has the fuperiority on her fide; her conduct will convince all the ftates of the Empire, that there is nothing to be gained by yielding to her, and that her pride, and the abuse of her ftrengh, increase in proportion as they become abject. We fhall examine as we go along, and diffipate the falfhoods with which the court of France has fought to amufe the public, with regard to this event, and the fophitry which he has made ufe of for her juftification. It is impoffible, in doing this, not to fall into fome repetitions. The French miniftry begin with an exaggerated defcription of the condition of the Hanoverian army at the figning of the convention. It is faid in the Parallel, That the generous fenti.. ments of the King of France were never more confpicuous than in the capitulation of Clo'fter-Seven: That the Hanoverian army, forced to fly before that of Marfhal Richelieu, had been obliged to retire to Stade, where it was in the most dangerous fituation.' It will be easily granted, that at the time of making the convention, we had no hopes of foon delivering the King's dominions, and thofe of his allies, by force of arms, becaufe we faw an army making head against us greatly fuperior to ours in number. But had not Marshal Richelieu reason, on the other hand, to fear a reverse of fortune, if he was refolved to drive an army of forty thousand men to defpair, whofe valour he had experienced at the affair of Haftenbeck. Befides, it was that Marshal, and not the Duke of Cumberland, who was informed of the march of the King of Pruffia against the Prince of Soubife. So there is not the leaft mention made of the haste with which the French army flew to the affiftance of the latter, immediately after figning the convention. As to the reft, it is impoffible to conceive that this convention can serve as an example of the generous fentiments of his moft Christian Majefty. They ingenuously own, that Marthal Richelieu granted the capitulation of his own accord, without confulting his court. As to the new conditions propofed by the court of Verfailles, and with which fhe connected her ratification, it would be abfurd to maintain that they were dictated by fentiments of generofity. The The court of France faw very well that he could not claim the right of refufing the capitulation of the treaty of Clofter-Seven, without giving the fame right to his Britannic Majefty. In order, therefore, to throw a falfe glofs upon the explanation of the treaty, it pretends, That the King of France, out of his zeal for his allies and the Empire, approved of the conduct of Marshal Riche new terms which it intended to add were agreed to, and the auxiliary troops were difarmed. This cir cumftance, which is most clearly related in Count de Lynar's letter, which is known to the court of Copenhagen, and which was the caufe that the guaranty of that court was not fought, is alfo mentioned in Marshal Richelieu's own letter, annexed to the Parallel. His words are as follow: His Danish Ma lieu; and, to render the capitu-jefty having offered to guaranty lation more folid, his Majesty ⚫ propofed to add to it fome explanations, to fix the fenfe of it in fo clear a manner, as to obviate them (the articles of the convention) the King my mafter thinks, that before he figns his acceptance of them, it will be proper every falfe interpretation; expla- to obviate fome obfcurities which nations which the court of Copen-might occafion difficulties in the hagen and Count Lynar had found • conformable to the true fense of the capitulation.' But this tale is abfolutely contrary to the true ftate of things. The court of France declared, that it would not acknowledge the validity of the convention, unless the ' execution, which has been fufpended reciprocally upon words of honour, to make no alteration • in their fubftance, and always to execute them, when both fides have come to an understanding relating to any doubts that may • arife.' CHA CHARACTER S. WE E have fet apart this article, for fome remarkable characters of thofe, whether in the political or the literary world, whether living or dead, who have been diftinguished by fuch talents as merit the public attention. The three firft are drawn by hands altogether worthy of their fubjects; neither are the others contemptibly executed. If the first of these pictures inclines fomewhat towards panegyric, and if the fecond fhould be thought to partake of fatire, the reader will not therefore think either of them lets juft. An Efay towards the Character of the King of Pruffic, tranflated from the French of M. De Montefquieu. ΤΗ HE most faithful and fcrupulous hiftorian would be the best panegyrift of Frederick King of Pruffia. I pretend to be neither; I only attempt the out-lines of his character, which even co-temporary jealoufy, envy, and malignity, are forced to admire, and which more impartial pofterity, if it can believe, will almoft adore. By the mere natural ftrength and fuperiority of his genius, without experience, he broke out at once, a general, and a hero. He diftinguished with precifion, what inferior minds never difcover at all, the difference between great difficulties and impoffibilities, and being never difcouraged by the former, has often seemed to execute the latter. Indefatigably laborious and active, coolly intrepid in action, he difcerns, as by intuition, feizes with rapidity, and improves with fkill, the fhort, favourable, and often decifive moments of battle. Modeft and magnanimous after victory, he becomes the generous protector of his fubdued, and captive enemies. Refolute and undejected in misfortunes, he has rifen fuperior to diftreffes, and ftruggled with difficulties, which no courage nor conftancy but his own would have refifted, nor could have furmounted. But as he cannot always command the fuccefs which he always deferves, he mays perhaps be obliged to yield at laft to the fuperior numbers of almost all Europe combined against him; their legions may perhaps conquer, but his virtues muft triumph. As a King, he is a man, citizen, a legiflator, and a patriot. His own extenfive mind forms all his plans of government, undebafed by felfifh minifterial interests and mifreprefentations. Juftice and humanity are his only ministers *. In The following account, the truth of which is not difputed, will ferve to give fome idea of that great Prince in that part of his character. An English lady being poffeffed of actions [fhares] in the Embden com. pany, and having occafion to raise money on them, repaired to Antwerp, and made to In his own dominions he has reformed the law, and reduced it equity, by a code of his own digefting. He has thrown cavil out made application for that purpose to a director of the company, established there by the King of Pruffia, for the managing all affairs relative thereto. This perfon very willingly entered into treaty with her; but the fum he offered to lend, being far fhort of what the actions would bear, and also infifting on forfeiture of her right in them, if not redeemed in twelve months, the broke off with him, and had recourfe to fome merchants at Antwerp, who were inclinable to treat with her on much more equitable terms. The proceeding neceffarily brought the parties before this director, for receiving his fanction, which was effential to the folidity of the agreement; and he, finding he was like to lofe the advantage he had flattered himself with, difputed the authenticity of the actions, and thereby threw her into fuch difcredit, as to render all attempts to raise money on them ineffectual. Upon this the lady wrote a letter by the common post to his Majefty of Pruffia, accompanied with a memorial, complaining of the treatment he had received from the director; and likewife inclofed the actions themfelves, in another letter to a friend at Berlin. By the return of the poft, his Majefty condefcended to answer her letter; and the actions were returned authenticated, which fo reftored her credit, that in a few hours all difficulties were removed, relating to the transaction she had in hand; and it is more than probable, the director has felt his Majefty's refentment for his ill behaviour. SIRE, A tranflation of the lady's letter. Having had the happiness to pay my court to your Majefty, during a pretty long refidence at Berlin, and to receive fuch marks of favour from their Majeities the Queens, as I fhall ever retain a grateful fenfe of, I prefume to flatter myfelf that your Majefty will not be offended at the refpectful liberty I take, in laying before you my complaints against one Van Ertborn, a director of the Embden China company, whofe bad behaviour to me, as fet forth in my memorial, hath forced me to make a very long and expenfive ftay at this place: and as the confiderable intereft I have in that company may further fubject me to his caprices, I cannot forbear laying my grievances at the foot of your Majefty's throne, most respectfully fupplicating your Majefty, that you would be gracioufly pleafed to give orders that this director thould not act towards me for the future, as he hath done hitherto. I hope for this favour from your Majefty's fovereign equity; and I shall never ccafe offering up my ardent prayers for the profperity of your glorious reign, having the honour to be, with the most respectful zeal, SIRE, Your Majefty's most humble, most obedient, Malam, and most devoted fervant, Tranflation of bis Pruffian Majefty's answer. I received the letter, of the 19th inftant, which you thought proper to write me, and was not a little difpleafed to hear of the bad behaviour of one of the directors of the Afiatic company of Embden towards you, of which you were forced to complain. I fhall direct your grievances to be examined, and have just now dispatched my orders for that purpofe, to Lentz, my prefident of the chamber of Eaft Friefland. You may affure yourself the firictest justice shall be done you that the cafe will admit. God keep you in his holy protection. Potsdam, Feb. 26, 1756. FREDERICK, |