sixteen or eighteen centuries of its existence, is to be sought for in the sacred writings. The rays of light that are occasionally thrown on this important subject from this pure source, though transient and intermitting as the meteor that illumines the midnight darkness, afford us a view, which is, as far as it goes, clear, distinct, and satisfactory, and we regret whenever the surrounding darkness closes upon these, incidental openings.

The first occurrence in patriarchal history by which Egypt is brought under our notice, is Abraham's removal thither to avoid the miseries of a famine which prevailed at that time in Canaan. From this and other circumstances, it is obvious that Egypt abounded in corn, so that it was resorted to by other countries in times of scarcity or famine.

At this very early period, that is, about the fourth century after the flood, and probably not more than the second from its first founding, Egypt had a royal establishment of considerable dignity and splendour. The next occurrence that brings this country again under our notice, is the unfeeling conduct of the sons of Jacob towards their venerable parent, and Joseph their younger brother. From this affecting narrative we learn that Egypt was then become the mart to which the merchants of that day resorted with the luxurious. productions of their respective countries. A company of Ishmaelites approached just after the sons of Jacob had been debating about taking away the life of their brother Joseph; they were on their road to Egypt with camels laden with spices, balm, and myrrh. To these strangers, regardless of his cries and intreaties, Joseph was sold by his inhuman brethren, and by them carried into Egypt, and there sold to an officer in Pharaoh's household; but in this state of exile he was not unmindful of the God of his fathers, nor was Providence unmindful of him in this the season of his sore conflict and trial: his master was blessed in all that he did for the sake of Joseph, and when through the artifice of

an unworthy woman, this faithful servant was cast into prison, God was still with him, and after his integrity and his faithfulness had been sufficiently proved in this novel situation, he not only brought about his deliverance from prison, but his exaltation to the most honourable station in the kingdom, so that Pharaoh excepted, none was greater in the court of Egypt than Joseph.

The whole of this narrative is highly interesting, and inimitably simple, elegant, and pathetic, it has nothing equal to it in any other writings, in whatever age, country, or language they may have been written. To the historian it is of inestimable value for its high antiquity, and its indisputable authenticity; for the sacred historian draws back the veil and discloses to us the events of a period far antecedent to that in which the most diligent and sagacious researches of Herodotus and Plutarch, and other Greek historians, could obtain nothing but fragments of obscure traditions, absurd fables, contradictory assertions, and vague conjectures; the unsubstantial materials of the ancient history of the rise and progress of all the nations of antiquity.

With what pleasure we cling to our guide while he conducts us to the house of Potiphar, to the prison, and lastly to the presence of Pharaoh. How we admire the wonderful transition from the prison-house and fetters to the court of Pharaoh, a superb regal vesture, a golden chain, and the second rank in the kingdom. But there is one circumstance that gives this narrative a peculiar pre-eminence, viz: that in reading the conferences between Pharaoh and Joseph at their first interview, the conversation that passed between Joseph and his brethen, and between Pharaoh and the aged patriarch Jacob, on his being introduced to him by his son Joseph, we are fully satisfied that we have before us the real language of the parties, and not as is mostly the case, in profane history, the ingenious and studied. compositions of the historian himself.

And under this confidence our interest in the story is considerably augmented. We mark with pleasure the

anxious desire which Pharaoh manifests to testify his esteem for Joseph, by giving a hospitable reception to his father and brethren, and by making an ample and a comfortable provision for them: with delighted sensations we pieture to ourselves the venerable appearance of the good old patriarch, and its effect on the Egyptian monarch, when it drew from him this affable and courteous query, "How old art thou?" These may seem trifling incidents, but they are far more interesting than any thing that profane history can present us with.

But to return to such parts of this narrative as most materially relate to the state of Egypt at this period; and first, in the prison were two state offenders, the one was Pharaoh's chief butler, and the other his chief baker or confectioner; this shews the state that was kept up in the domestic economy of Pharaoh's court: secondly, from the language of the king to Joseph, it seems that the one true God was still the object of divine worship in Egypt: thirdly, from the conference between Joseph and his brethren being carried on through the medium of an interpreter, it is evident that the language of Egypt had undergone a considerable change since the sons of Ham first settled in that country.

Nothing material occurred to bring Egypt again under the notice of the sacred historian for about the space of two centuries, when we find the children of Israel were greatly increased, and become so numerous as to excite the jealousy of both king and people, and they looked on these sojourners with envy and apprehension, and treated them with that severity that their malignant feelings suggested.

The birth of Moses, his adoption by Pharaoh's daughter, his abandoning the honours and the pleasures of the Egyptian court, and his attaching himself to his despised and afflicted brethren, and his finally being made the instrument in the hand of Omnipotence, for the emancipation of his brethren, and for the conducting of them back into the land promised to their fathers,

are circumstances of the most important nature in the whole history of the Jewish nation. The light cast on the affairs of Egypt at that time, through the writings of the Jewish history, shews that Egypt had even then degenerated greatly both in science and religion. Her religion was become debased by the most absurd idolatry, and her science degraded by pretensions to astrology and magic; and it is evident, from the prohibitions and restrictions delivered to the Israelites by their illustrious law-giver, under the direction and authority of Jehovah, that the Egyptians had at that time changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the similitude of various animals. We have also some intimation of the military force of Egypt at that day, by the number of chariots employed in pursuing the. Israelites.

The light of sacred history is now withdrawn from the affairs of Egypt for the space of about five hundred years, when the historian has to record the alliance that Solomon entered into with Pharaoh, by marrying the daughter of that monarch; we are also informed that Jeroboam fled into Egypt to avoid the displeasure of king Solomon, and remained there till the death of the offended king.

Nearly five centuries more elapse before Egypt is again noticed in the sacred writings; and this closes the scripture account of that country. At this time we are told that Shishak, king of Egypt, on account of the apostacy and degeneracy of the Israelites, was permitted to invade Jerusalem; and though this kingdom was not suffered to be wholly destroyed by the Egyptian army, because the people had confessed their sins and humbled themselves before the Lord, they were nevertheless made tributary to Shishak. From the accounts of this affair, it appears that Egypt was not only strong in its own military resources, but powerful by its alliance with other countries, for the king of Egypt brought with him to Jerusalem, twelve hundred chariots of war, and sixty thousand horsemen, and the people that came

with him, of whom the Ethiopians made a part, were without number.

About five hundred years after this event, i. e. B. C. 610, Pharaoh Necho came up out of Egypt, to fight with Charchemish, by Euphrates; and Josiah, king of Judah, went out against him; but the king of Egypt sent out ambassadors to Josiah, with orders to say, "What have I to do with thee, thou king of Judah; I came not against thee this day, but against the house wherewith I have war, for GOD commanded me to make haste, forbear from opposing God, who is with me, that he destroy thee not." There is something very remarkable in this narrative, particularly in the very decided manner in which Necho declares his commission against Charchemish to be from God, and warns Josiah against the fatal consequences of opposing him. We cannot help grieving to find that this good king should have perished in his design after this impressive admonition, and that he should so imprudently have rushed on his own destruction.

By the manner in which Pharaoh Necho speaks, we are led to conclude that he was a believer in the true God, and conscious to himself, that on this occasion he was his delegated agent. The words of the sacred historian are not less forcible and remarkable than those of Necho. "Nevertheless Josiah would not turn his face from him, but disguised himself that he might fight with him; and hearkened not unto the words of Necho from God;" the result was that which Necho said it would be. Provoked by this circumstance the king of Egypt made an attack on Jerusalem, that he did not seem originally to have intended; and succeeding, dethroned Jehoaz the son of Josiah, who had been seated on his father's throne by the people, and set up his brother Eliakim in his stead, changing his name to Jehoiakim. He then returned to Egypt taking Jehoaz with him.

Ten years after this event Psammis, the son of Necho, ascended the throne of his father, B. C. 600. Eleven