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and fanatical enthusiasts; a method, however, which Calvin himself adopted, to fill the pulpits of France, as there will be occasion to relate further on. The spoliation of the Church by the nobility and courtiers in Edward's reign, Cranmer did all he could to prevent; but his power and authority were not sufficient for that purpose. With regard to chantries, in which "vespers were trolled in an unknown tongue," an act being introduced into parliament for giving them to the king, Cranmer divided with the Roman Catholic bishops against the measure; his object being to preserve them intact till the king came of age, in order that their revenues might be appropriated to the Church, instead of being diverted to secular uses. It is to this step that Calvin seems to allude in his letter.

1 Burnet, Reformation, ii., 448.

CHAPTER IX.

Account of Servetus-His Book against the Trinity-His Medical Studies -Settles at Vienne-His Correspondence with Calvin-Broken off by the latter-Publishes his "Restoration of Christianity"-Is denounced by Trie, and apprehended at Vienne-Calvin furnishes Evidence against him-Further Proceedings-Examination at Vienne-Escapes from Prison, and is burned in Effigy.

THE year 1553 was rendered the most memorable in Calvin's life by the burning of Servetus. This act, which has furnished his enemies with their favorite, and perhaps their justest topic of reproach, and which his friends would be willing, were it possible, to bury in eternal oblivion, I shall endeavor to relate with the strictest impartiality: no facts shall be adduced but what are supported by evidence, but, at the same time, none shall be suppressed. The lessons of history lose all their value when delivered in a mutilated form; nor can any reasonable and candid admirer of Calvin's character wish to see it protected by suppression and concealment. The abstract truth or falsehood of the doctrines which he promulgated, is not affected by his personal conduct; and even if it were, that would only be an additional reason why his acts should be shown in their true light. But before relating his proceedings on this occasion, it will be necessary to give a short account of the unhappy man who was the subject of them.1

Michael Serveto, or, according to the Latinized form of his ́name, Servetus, was born at Villa-neuva, in Arragon, in the year 1509, and was, consequently, of about the same age as Calvin. His father was a notary, and, if we may trust the deposition of Servetus, in his examination at Geneva, his family was of an ancient, and even noble race. We have few particulars of his early life. Mosheim supposes that he received the first rudiments of his education in a Dominican convent- a conjecture founded on the circumstance that Quintana, the father confessor of the Emperor Charles V., and himself a Dominican monk, had a slight knowledge of him. As he grew toward manhood, his father sent him to

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1 See Appendix, No. I.

2 See Cochlæus, De Actis et Scriptis Lutheri, quoted by Trechsel, Antitr., i., 63.

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Toulouse to study the law, where he seems to have spent two or three years. Servetus possessed, from the cradle, a diseased and sickly body, but a mind both inquisitive and acute, though imbued with a strong tincture of fanaticism. With these dispositions, it is not surprising that he should have ardently addicted himself to study, nor that jurisprudence should have been laid aside for other pursuits more congenial to such a temper. Even the philosophy of the schools had no charms for a mind like his. Endowed with much originality, and a still larger share of pride and self-will, he felt disinclined to recognize the established supremacy of Aristotle, and to submit himself to a discipline whose first demand is an implicit deference. On the other hand, his disposition toward mysticism led him to indulge in the reveries of judicial astrology. But what proved most attractive to him were the novel opinions in religion promulgated by the German Reformers, which were then beginning to make a great sensation throughout Europe. In conjunction with some other scholars of his acquaintance, he entered eagerly on the study of divinity; he began to read the Scriptures, in order to seek the truth at the fountain-head; he perused most of the Fathers, especially those who flourished before the time of Arius, and felt a decided predilection for the works of Tertullian and Irenæus. He also read the books of Luther and the other German Reformers, who seemed to him not to carry their opinions far enough. Even at this early period, Servetus had adopted his anti-trinitarian notions, and was seized with the desire of distinguishing himself as a Reformer. These, however, were dispositions which it was unsafe to manifest at Toulouse, a city which was considered the most superstitious, and its parliament the most sanguinary, in France. He resolved, therefore, to go to Basle, and to submit his views to Ecolampadius, the distinguished pastor of that city. He arrived at Basle in 1530, having traveled through Lyons and Geneva. Here he introduced himself to Ecolampadius under his real name, and a correspondence ensued between them; in the course of which that Reformer expressed the greatest dislike of the new-fangled views of Servetus, and represented to him that he could not claim to be called a Christian, unless he admitted the Saviour to be not only the Son of God, but the eternal Son of God, of one substance with the Father. He felt it to be his duty to submit to his brother Reformers, Zwingli, Bucer, and Capito, whom he met at Strasburgh, the notions entertained on this

1

Hist. des Eglises Réf., vol. i., p 10.

SERVETUS'S BOOK AGAINST THE TRINITY.

251

subject by Servetus, and to ask their advice as to the conduct which he should adopt toward him, and especially as to whether he should denounce him to the authorities of Basle. This latter proceeding appears to have been opposed by Zwingli, who was averse to all compulsion in matters of conscience;1 though he recommended Ecolampadius to prevent, if possible, the publication of the blasphemies of Servetus.

From his intercourse with Ecolampadius, Servetus might have learned that the publication of his opinions respecting the Trinity would be quite as displeasing to the Reformed as to the Roman Catholic Church; but his vanity and obstinacy led him to disregard all such considerations. His book on the "Errors of the Trinity" ("De Trinitatis Erroribus"), the materials for which had probably been collected at Toulouse, was now ready for the press, and he had only to seek a publisher. He found one in Conrad Rous, a bookseller of Hagenau, who had also a shop at Strasburgh. The book was probably printed by John Secerius; but though Servetus did not hesitate to put his real name on the title-page, the printer had more prudence than to follow his example. It appeared in 1531, when its author had not completed his twenty-second year.3

The work of Servetus must at least be regarded as original, for all the anti-trinitarians before his time are insignificant. He refers to Scripture as the only source of all religious knowledge, but holds that it has two senses, one mystical, the other literal. Christianity, he thinks, had been prejudiced by the Aristotelian philosophy, and by neglecting the study of Hebrew. He holds that the doctrine of the Trinity was first erected when the Pope became the sovereign of the Church, and thinks that Paul of Samosata was right in representing Christ as a mere man. One of the points mainly insisted on is the impossibility that God should have a son co-eternal with himself. But what made his book doubly offensive was the light, and even blasphemous tone in which these tenets were delivered and enforced.*

Mosheim, Geschichte Servets, p. 19.

2 P. Henry, iii., 116,

3 The title runs: "De Trinitatis Erroribus Libri Septem. Per Michaelem Servetum, alias Reves, ab Arragonia Hispanum, anno. MDXXXI."-There is an analysis of its contents in Mosheim, Geschichte Servets, § ix., et seq.; and in Trechsel, Antitr., 68-98.

4 Thus, for example, he presses the last point by questions such as these: "Ubinam uxorem Deus habuerit? an utrumque ipse sexum habeat? aliudne gigni quam caro et sanguis possit ?" &c.-Mosheim, Geschichte Servets, Beil. 394. He called the Trinity, a Cerberus-the three persons of the Godhead, deceptions of the devil, &c.

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The book was received with equal indignation both by Protestants and Papists. Quintana procured an imperial edict for its suppression. Ecolampadius and Zwingli expressed their displeasure at it. Bucer at Strasburgh, where Servetus was residing, denounced him from the pulpit as worthy to have his entrails torn out.1 Indeed such was the feeling excited against him in that town that it was no longer safe for him to remain there. Accordingly he returned to Basle, and ventured again to visit Ecolampadius; who, however, received him with anger, and denounced him to the council. Upon this Servetus wrote him a letter requesting to be allowed to send off his books to Lyons; beseeching him to spare his reputation and good name; and deprecating the putting of men to death for erroneous interpretations of Scripture. Naturally gentle and tender-hearted, Ecolampadius was touched by this appeal. It induced him to give a mild report of the book to the council, who had requested his opinion of it. Although inclined to recommend that it should be altogether suppressed, he nevertheless suggested the alternative that it might be read by those whose principles were in no danger of being hurt by it: nay, he even allowed that it contained some useful things, but corrupted and rendered dangerous by what was mixed up with them. To the question of the council as to how the author should be treated he would make no reply, but requested them to consult other persons. The termination of this affair is involved in obscurity. It is certain that Servetus shortly afterward left Basle; but it does not appear that any criminal proceedings had been adopted against him. The answer of the ministers of Basle, when consulted about his case by the council of Geneva in 1553, would lead us to believe that he received no harsher treatment than the written and oral reproofs of Ecolampadius. In his examination at Geneva (Aug. 23d), he stated that he left Germany on account of his poverty, and because he did not understand the language; but, as Mosheim observes, both these assertions were most probably false; and indeed the former is refuted by his own letter to Ecolampadius, before quoted, which shows a desire to remain in Germany.

On leaving Basle Servetus proceeded toward France, but

Calvin, Epp. et Resp., Ep. 156.

2 Mosheim, Geschichte Servets, Beil. ii.

This paper of Ecolampadius will be found in Mosheim, Beil. iii.
Ibid, 43.

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